• KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00196 -0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10899 -0%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 -0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28490 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00196 -0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10899 -0%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 -0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28490 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00196 -0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10899 -0%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 -0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28490 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00196 -0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10899 -0%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 -0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28490 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00196 -0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10899 -0%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 -0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28490 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00196 -0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10899 -0%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 -0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28490 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00196 -0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10899 -0%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 -0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28490 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00196 -0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10899 -0%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 -0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28490 0%
08 December 2025

Opinion: Washington Meeting and the Shifting Geopolitics of the Caspian

The Washington meeting between Armenia and Azerbaijan, hosted by President Donald Trump on August 8, 2025, may go down as a pivotal moment in the geopolitics of the Caspian and the wider Eurasian space. While on the surface the talks aimed to normalize relations between the two South Caucasus neighbors, the ripple effects extend far beyond bilateral reconciliation. For Azerbaijan, the meeting is not only about ending three decades of conflict with Armenia but also about positioning itself as a central bridge linking the Caspian Basin, Central Asia, and even Europe.

The Caspian region has always been a security crossroads, where energy interests, military presence, and trade routes overlap. Russia’s war in Ukraine, the Iran-Israel conflict, and shifting Western engagement have made the region more volatile. In this context, a potential Armenia-Azerbaijan settlement offers a chance to stabilize the South Caucasus – the natural gateway between the Caspian and Europe.

For Azerbaijan, peace with Armenia would solidify its position in the region where Baku has promoted several important transregional projects such as the Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan oil pipeline, the Southern Gas Corridor, and the Baku-Tbilisi-Kars railway. Azerbaijan is heavily investing in the development of the Caspian trade routes, energy infrastructure, and regional connectivity projects such as the Middle Corridor. Stability in the South Caucasus also makes it harder for external actors to exploit divisions – an especially significant factor given the previous attempt to exploit Armenia against Azerbaijan and Türkiye. That strategy brought no tangible results to Armenia, which remained regionally isolated and dependent on Russia. After the military defeats in 2020 and 2023, the Armenian leadership realized that peace and respect for the principle of territorial integrity is a much greater opportunity for the country rather than an irredentist project, which Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan dubbed “mythical.”

At the same time, a peace framework reduces the risk of military escalation spilling into the Caspian region. Naval modernization efforts by Russia and Iran in recent years have heightened anxieties. In short, normalization indirectly enhances Azerbaijan’s capacity to act as a stabilizing actor within the Caspian basin.

Increasingly, Iran has also spoken about peace and cooperation, especially with Azerbaijan. Relations were tense a few years ago, but the incumbent President, Masud Pezeshkian, questioned the strategy employed previously by the Iranian clerics regarding Azerbaijan, which failed to gain any benefits.

Perhaps the most significant geopolitical dividend for Azerbaijan lies eastward, across the Caspian. The Central Asian states – Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan, Kyrgyzstan, and Tajikistan – have long sought secure, diversified links to Europe. Russia’s war has made northern routes through its territory unreliable, while instability in the Red Sea undermines the traditional supply route. That leaves the Trans-Caspian link through Azerbaijan as promising.

The Washington meeting, by promoting the peace agenda, reassures Central Asian partners that Baku is a reliable hub. Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, and Uzbekistan signed an MOU about the transfer of alternative energy sources to Europe through another potential project – a Black Sea electricity cable from Georgia to Romania and Hungary.

Azerbaijan is trying to move away from a rivalry paradigm to connecting dots – Baku has signed a strategic partnership agreement with China. In the meantime, Azerbaijan’s deepening ties with Türkiye and other Turkic brethren in the Organization of Turkic States (OTS) position it as a natural connector for Central Asia. Baku is also keen on advancing the 5+1 format with Central Asia and other regional platforms such as CICA and ECO.

The fact that the 8 August 2025 meeting was hosted in Washington adds an important dimension despite the uncertain geopolitical situation in Eurasia. For Azerbaijan, U.S. involvement strengthens its hand in showcasing that peace in the South Caucasus is not merely a local issue but one tied to the broader Western strategy of diversifying energy and trade. Central Asian leaders will view U.S. backing of Azerbaijan as an endorsement of the Trans-Caspian route. An important element of the Washington meeting is the so-called TRIPP – Trump Route for International Peace and Prosperity – which will run through the territory of Armenia and connect Azerbaijan’s mainland with its Nakhchivan exclave. It resolves the disagreement between Azerbaijan and Armenia, while potentially opening up the opportunity for a wider connectivity network.

The 8 August 2025 Washington meeting was about more than reconciliation between Armenia and Azerbaijan. It was about reconfiguring the strategic landscape of the Caspian region. For Azerbaijan, it opened a broader perspective in both the West and the East, including anchoring itself as an important bridge to and from Central Asia.

If the momentum holds, Baku could emerge not only as a key energy and transit hub but also as a political actor capable of shaping Eurasian politics through a peace agenda. Much, of course, depends on whether agreements reached in Washington translate into tangible results on the ground. For Armenia, in its turn, it will mean the end of isolation and dependence. But one thing is clear: the implications of this meeting stretch far beyond the Caucasus – they reach across the Caspian and into the very heart of Central Asia. It should be viewed, however, not as geopolitical rivalry, but as an invitation to all parties that are willing to act in good faith.

 

The views expressed in this article are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of the publication, its affiliates, or any other organizations mentioned.

Five-Year Plan for Food Independence in Tajikistan Faces Tough Questions

The Tajik government has approved a new Food Security Program for 2026-2030, aiming to drastically reduce reliance on food imports and enhance the sustainability of Tajikistan’s agricultural sector.

Progress and Persistent Challenges

The initiative is backed by a budget of 378.2 million somoni (approximately $41.6 million), with nearly 80% funded by international donors.

The program’s architects express confidence that Tajikistan can fully meet domestic food needs by 2030, while also improving food quality and accessibility across all social strata.

Indeed, progress has been made. In the early 2010s, Tajikistan met only 70% of its food requirements. By 2024, this figure had risen to 80%. Last year alone, agricultural output increased by 10%, with notable growth in cereals, melons, and fruit production.

Still, significant structural problems persist:

  • Wheat, sugar, and vegetable oil remain heavily import-dependent
  • Domestic meat production covers only about half of national demand
  • Irrigation infrastructure is outdated and inefficient
  • Climate risks, including droughts, floods, and glacial melt, pose growing threats

Additionally, food remains a heavy financial burden: more than 50% of household budgets are spent on food, leaving many families vulnerable to price fluctuations.

Key Objectives and Measures

The program outlines several goals:

  • Increase agricultural output by at least 10% by 2028
  • Raise investment in the sector by 15% compared to 2025
  • Modernize irrigation systems and improve processing infrastructure
  • Introduce digital tools and climate-resilient farming practices

By 2030, the government pledges to reduce household food costs, improve livestock productivity, develop logistics infrastructure, and launch targeted support and educational campaigns for vulnerable groups.

Budget Breakdown

The $41.6 million budget is allocated as follows:

  • $18.7 million – land reclamation and restoration
  • $6 million – agricultural machinery and equipment
  • $5.5 million – development of food and logistics infrastructure (warehousing, cold storage, processing, and transport)
  • $2.5 million – organic crop protection
  • $2.2 million – climate adaptation and sustainable agriculture
  • $1.2 million – livestock development
  • $770,000 – breeding and seed production
  • $407,000 – agricultural digitization
  • $550,000 – nutrition and public awareness programs

Funding sources:

  • 79% from international donors
  • 14% from the state budget
  • 7% from the private sector

Major risks to implementation include climate-related disasters, deteriorating irrigation networks, technological lags, volatile global food prices, and geopolitical instability.

To mitigate these, the government plans to establish a monitoring and early warning system alongside rapid crisis-response mechanisms.

Reality or Ambition?

The Ministry of Agriculture, along with regional authorities, will oversee implementation. Monitoring will adhere to national standards to ensure transparency.

Experts agree the program is ambitious and its success hinges on the pace of agricultural modernization and efficient resource management.

Tajikistan’s goal is clear, but success will depend on whether ambition is matched by sustained implementation and adaptability.

Uzbekistan and Chinese Biotech Firm Plan Joint Agri-Projects

Uzbekistan’s Deputy Minister of Investment, Industry and Trade, Ilzat Kasimov, met with representatives of China’s Xinjiang Huijia Biotechnology to discuss launching joint initiatives in agriculture and biotechnology, including the adoption of modern farming technologies.

Following the talks, both parties agreed to deepen cooperation and pursue new projects in Uzbekistan’s agricultural and biotech sectors.

Founded in 2021, Xinjiang Huijia Biotechnology is a leading Chinese producer of stevia and natural sugar substitutes. The company processes around 10,000 tons of stevia annually. Its sweetener products, plant-derived, significantly sweeter than sugar, and nearly calorie-free, are widely used across the food, pharmaceutical, cosmetic, and chemical industries.

According to the ministry, cultivating stevia and developing sugar substitute production in Uzbekistan would allow the country to enter the rapidly growing global market for natural sweeteners, driven by increasing demand for healthier food options.

This agro-biotech collaboration marks another step in the accelerating economic partnership between Uzbekistan and China. Bilateral trade reached approximately $14 billion in 2024, up from $13 billion the previous year, with both sides aiming to raise the figure to $20 billion in the near future.

Chinese business activity in Uzbekistan has expanded significantly. As of early 2025, around 3,467 Chinese companies were operating in the country, an increase of over 1,000 from the previous year. Officials report that Chinese investment in Uzbekistan has grown fivefold since 2017, with a joint project portfolio exceeding $60 billion across sectors including energy, infrastructure, manufacturing, and smart agriculture.

Afghanistan Dismantles Navoi Statue, Plans New Memorial Amid Uzbek Backlash

The Taliban authorities in Afghanistan have dismantled the statue of renowned Timurid-era poet and thinker Alisher Navoi in Mazar-i-Sharif, according to a report by Amu.

Local sources told the outlet that the monument, located in the telecommunications square of the city’s third district, was completely removed. The decision has drawn criticism from Uzbek cultural figures and officials, who argue that the Taliban are disregarding the spiritual heritage of other peoples and eroding the region’s historical and cultural uniqueness.

In response, Uzbekistan’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs, through spokesperson Ahror Burhonov, sought clarification on August 21. “As soon as we learned that the monument to the great poet and thinker Alisher Navoi in Mazar-i-Sharif had been dismantled, Uzbekistan’s Foreign Ministry immediately contacted representatives of the Afghan authorities to obtain an official explanation,” Burhonov said.

Initial explanations from Afghan officials claimed the statue’s location was not dignified enough to properly honor Navoi. They announced plans to construct a new memorial complex, which would include a new statue, restored inscriptions on Navoi’s life and work, and the renaming of the square in his honor.

Burhonov added that Afghan authorities had expressed regret over the statue’s removal without prior consultation with the Ministry of Culture or the public. He emphasized that the Afghan side reaffirmed its commitment to preserving Navoi’s legacy and pledged to take appropriate measures to commemorate him respectfully.

Alisher Navoi (1441-1501), born in Herat, modern-day Afghanistan, is widely recognized as the father of early Turkic literature. He remains a powerful cultural symbol for Uzbeks and other peoples across Central Asia.

The statue had stood in Mazar-i-Sharif for approximately 17 years. It was previously damaged before its complete removal.

As reported by Dunyo, Afghan officials reiterated that the statue’s location was unsuitable and reaffirmed plans to establish a larger and more dignified memorial site. The new monument is expected to include multilingual plaques in Uzbek, English, Dari, and Pashto, recounting Navoi’s life and contributions.

At a public event on August 21 attended by local officials, diplomats, and journalists, Mazar-i-Sharif Mayor Abdurahman Himmat said that Afghans deeply respect Navoi’s legacy. “We will turn this monument into a worthy place of remembrance for both local residents and foreign visitors,” he stated.

Himmat noted that around 40 projects are currently planned in the city, including restoration efforts for monuments dedicated to cultural icons such as Navoi, Magtymguly Pyragy, and 13th-century poet Jalal ad-Din Rumi. He also highlighted the construction of the Imam al-Bukhari madrasah, supported by Uzbekistan, as a symbol of close bilateral ties. The project was first announced by Uzbekistan last year.

Jafar Fattayev, head of the Uzbek Council in Mazar-i-Sharif, welcomed the Afghan initiative, calling it a gesture of respect for Navoi and Uzbek cultural heritage.

Kazakhstan Introduces Criminal Liability for Stalking

For the first time, Kazakhstan has established criminal liability for stalking at the legislative level, according to the General Prosecutor’s Office.

New Article in the Criminal Code

On July 16, 2025, President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev signed a law amending the Criminal Code to include Article 115-1, titled “Stalking.”

The article defines stalking as the unlawful pursuit of an individual through persistent attempts to establish contact or conduct surveillance against their will, causing significant harm but without the use of physical violence.

Punishments include a fine of up to 200 monthly calculation indices (MCI), up to 200 hours of community service, or arrest for up to 50 days. If stalking involves threats, blackmail, or invasion of privacy, it may be prosecuted under other provisions of the Criminal Code.

“The purpose of introducing this liability is to protect victims at an early stage and to establish zero tolerance for violent and aggressive behavior,” the Prosecutor General’s Office stated.

From Proposal to Law

The idea to criminalize stalking was first raised in 2023 during a coordination council meeting at the Prosecutor General’s Office. Marat Abishev, head of the Service for the Protection of Public Interests, highlighted the growing prevalence of obsessive harassment, particularly targeting women.

“Women are increasingly faced with the phenomenon of stalking, that is, obsessive persecution,” he said.

Abishev noted that many countries, including Germany, the US, Canada, the UK, Norway, Poland, Moldova, the Netherlands, and India, have long established criminal penalties for stalking.

In contrast, Kazakhstan lacked even administrative regulation until now. Abishev initially proposed studying the issue and introducing relevant amendments to the Code of Administrative Offenses. However, the country has since taken a stronger stance by enacting full criminal liability.

The General Prosecutor’s Office urges citizens not to ignore signs of stalking. “In such situations, it is necessary to immediately contact the internal affairs authorities,” the agency advised.

How to Identify Stalking

In an interview with MIR24.TV, lawyer Artem Baghdasaryan explained that under the new Kazakh legislation, stalking involves intrusive, repeated attempts to contact or monitor a person against their will, resulting in significant psychological or personal harm but without physical violence.

He emphasized that stalking is defined by systematic behavior rather than isolated incidents.

Key indicators include:

  • Continuous surveillance near the victim’s home or in public
  • Frequent phone calls, text messages, or unwanted social media interactions
  • Collecting personal data without consent, such as routes or contacts
  • Lurking in public places frequented by the victim

Internationally, this list often includes online harassment and the sending of unsolicited gifts.

Comparison with International Practice

Many Western countries have recognized stalking as a criminal offense since the 1990s, with laws in the US, UK, and Germany carrying prison terms for offenders.

In contrast, Russia has not yet adopted a separate criminal statute. There, lawmakers have proposed a phased approach: beginning with administrative liability and restraining orders, followed by criminal prosecution for repeat offenses.

“While Kazakhstan has taken a decisive step by introducing a criminal article right away, Russia is moving toward gradual regulation,” Baghdasaryan noted.

In his view, both approaches aim to protect fundamental human rights to privacy and personal security.

With this reform, Kazakhstan becomes one of the first countries in Central Asia to explicitly criminalize stalking and intrusive interference in private life.

Henry Wallace’s Journey to Central Asia and Its Connection to Kazakhstan

Central Asia has long held significance for the Western world — both in the past century and today. The region is home to ancient peoples and rich indigenous traditions. As a journalist from Kazakhstan, I became curious about the cultural ties between the United States and my country. In 2023, I studied at George Washington University through the Bolashak scholarship program to explore this subject in depth. My research led me to numerous works written by American travelers and scholars. Among them, I discovered a book authored by former U.S. Vice President Henry Wallace, based on his journey to Central Asia.

Henry Wallace
Credit Hudson Institute

His book, Soviet Asia Mission, was published in New York in 1946 and reflects observations from that trip. During this special mission in 1944, Wallace first traveled through Siberia, where he studied the conditions of the local population, before continuing on to the Kazakh steppe.

Wallace describes the social and political realities of Kazakhstan under Soviet rule, as well as the industrial projects that caught his attention. As a senior American politician, he was particularly interested in production and agriculture. “Down to meet us at the airfield was the director, Georg Georgevich Spitsen. In motorcars, we drove at once to the largest of Karaganda’s three big open-pit coal mines. With a sweeping gesture, Spitsen said: “We are digging 6,000 tons of coal a day here. Production began a year ago.” A proud shovel operator, scooping up tons of run-of-mine coal to load into steel hopper cars, waved to us. The tracks were driven directly into the cut. We looked closely at the shovel’s trademark. It was a Bucyrus Erie electric shovel, one of three at work here, and had been shipped in under lend-lease from the United States.”

His journey to Kazakhstan in the previous century demonstrates that U.S.–Kazakh political contacts began earlier than is often assumed.. Although Kazakhstan’s place in the Soviet system was highly constrained, Wallace’s account provides valuable insight into the wartime Soviet republics.. “After lunch at Karaganda, we took off, flying southwest over very dry country. Even the streams were dried out, except in deep valleys where clusters of huts could be seen in the midst of green oases. When still a long distance away, we could see a wide expanse of water ahead. It was Lake Balkhash, bright blue in the midst of gray, treeless country. Along the shore rose the smoking stacks of smelters. On landing at the dirt airfield, we were welcomed to the copper-smelting town of Balkhash by its mayor, Anna Stepanovna Piribinus, president of the city Soviet.”

His next stop was Semipalatinsk (today’s Semey). There Wallace spoke with Dimitri Chuvakhin of the Soviet Foreign Office, who accompanied him on the trip. “This kind of thing,” he said, referring to the new towns we had seen, “this kind of thing saved Russia. Trotsky was against it; he thought there had to be a world revolution. Stalin had faith in the moral stamina of the Russian people. Stalin said: We can and we will. And our people did. They created the necessary capital out of their own hides. Russia would have lost the war without Karaganda.”

 

Henry A. Wallace was greeted with music and performances throughout his tour
Credit Wallace Center of Iowa

History records that livestock numbers in Kazakhstan dropped sharply during Soviet collectivization and wartime requisitioning, leading to widespread famine. Wallace noted these hardships in his book “During the war, the Far Eastern farms helped supply the Red Army. The flour milled at Karaganda was being shipped to soldiers at the front. Siberia is also aiding in the restoration of agriculture in the devastated areas of European Russia. A typical example is Semipalatinsk oblast, which sent 5 carloads of relief goods, 40,000 head of cattle, and 2,000 farm workers to help re-establish the cattle industry in reoccupied territory. These contributions to the national farm life are a further illustration of the present strength of Siberian agriculture. Its future is assured.”

Nurtas Undasynov, Prime Minister of Kazakhstan, 1938-1951

At a welcome banquet, Wallace sat beside Nurtas Undasynov, then chairman of the Council of Minsters of the Kazakh Soviet Socialist Republic. Wallace mistakenly referred to him as “President” in his book. Wallace notes that Undasynov is the chief executive in a country four times the size of Texas, a region that provides the Soviet Union with 40 percent of its copper and more than 80 percent of its lead, and has reserves of strategic minerals-tungsten, molybdenum, mercury, tin, and uranium, source of atomic energy.

 

Route of the Wallace mission, 1944.
Credit Henry A. Wallace, Soviet Asia Mission
(New York: Reynal and Hitchcock, 1946).

Different historical sources record Kazakhstan’s population in the 20th century with some variation. Wallace offered his own impression: “In other words, the Kazakh Soviet Republic has a population comparable to that of New York City, dispersed in an area as large as the United States east of the Mississippi. The Russian [republic] is four times greater in extent but with a comparably sparse settlement. The Uzbek is the most densely populated of these three republics, which contain 95 percent of the land and go percent of the People of Soviet Asia. Soviet Asia’s remaining three union republics-the Turkmen, the Tadzhik, and the Kirghiz, all in its central section have a combined area of about 300,000 square miles and in 1939 had a combined population of 4,500,000—both figures comparable to the single state of Texas.”

 

Despite the limits of his perspective, Wallace’s records remain significant. He began his chapter on Kazakhstan with a clear statement: “I expressed my opinion about the need to raise the standard of living of the people here. I am sure that it is impossible to achieve lasting peace without it. The next morning, June 18, I said goodbye to Ambassador Harriman, who was about to return to Moscow, and he told me that my visit would bring a positive start.”

Henry Wallace’s Soviet Asia Mission remains one of the most detailed American accounts of Central Asia during the Soviet era. His observations of Kazakhstan and its neighbors provide a rare Western perspective on the region at a pivotal moment in world history.