• KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00196 -0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10899 -0%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 -0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28490 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00196 -0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10899 -0%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 -0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28490 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00196 -0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10899 -0%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 -0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28490 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00196 -0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10899 -0%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 -0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28490 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00196 -0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10899 -0%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 -0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28490 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00196 -0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10899 -0%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 -0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28490 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00196 -0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10899 -0%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 -0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28490 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00196 -0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10899 -0%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 -0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28490 0%
08 December 2025

Experts Warn of Rights Violations in Kyrgyzstan’s Language Reform Push

The Jogorku Kenesh, Kyrgyzstan’s parliament, has adopted a sweeping package of 18 bills that overhaul the country’s language policy. The new measures significantly curtail the use of Russian, the official language, across key sectors including education, healthcare, the judiciary, and administrative processes. The legislation has drawn sharp criticism from both experts and the wider public.

According to the government, the changes are necessary to align existing laws with the constitutional provisions on the state language, Kyrgyz. All 18 bills passed through parliament in a single session comprising three readings. They now await the signature of President Sadyr Japarov.

Parliament Speaker Nurlanbek Turgunbek uulu emphasized the urgency of the reforms, warning that the Kyrgyz language is in a “dangerous” state.

“Many of us have children and grandchildren who do not speak Kyrgyz. This is shameful. If we continue to neglect our state language, we risk losing our national identity,” he said.

Sweeping Language Reforms

The adopted laws stipulate that individuals who do not speak Kyrgyz will be barred from holding a wide range of public positions, including parliamentary seats, government posts, judicial and prosecutorial roles, and employment at the National Bank.

The legislation mandates Kyrgyz-language proficiency exams for students at the point of admission and grade-level advancement in schools and kindergartens. Public signage, geographic names, and announcements must now appear in Kyrgyz first, with Russian and other languages allowed only as supplementary. All notarized contracts must be drafted in Kyrgyz, with translation into other languages permitted only when necessary. State institutions, including medical facilities, must maintain records exclusively in Kyrgyz.

Mounting Concerns

Some lawmakers have voiced concerns over the practicality of these reforms. The deputy Gulya Kozhokulova cautioned that insufficient development of medical terminology in Kyrgyz could jeopardize patient safety due to potential errors in diagnoses and prescriptions.

MP Dastan Bekeshev highlighted risks to citizens unfamiliar with Kyrgyz when handling legally binding documents, such as loan agreements. Under the new regulations, initial violations of language norms will result in warnings, with repeat offenses drawing fines of up to 17,000 KGS (approximately $200).

Public Backlash

The legislation has triggered a wave of criticism on social media and among civil society groups. At a roundtable hosted by the Oi Ordo Center for Expert Initiatives, participants asserted that the measures infringe on the rights of at least 1.5 million citizens. An open letter urging President Japarov to reject the legislation was submitted by members of the public, academia, and Bishkek City Council.

“Most of the amendments initiated by the National Commission on the State Language lack public backing and have sparked criticism for sharply limiting the use of Russian in socially vital sectors,” the letter stated.

Expert Commentary

Speaking to The Times of Central Asia, Igor Shestakov, director of the Oi Ordo Center, warned that the amendments contain internal contradictions and ultimately undermine the Kyrgyz language’s development.

“These measures primarily restrict the use of Russian. If implemented, they will have far-reaching consequences for banking, legal services, and education, affecting daily life and bureaucratic procedures. It’s unclear how signage and geographic naming will be handled, particularly given Kyrgyzstan’s tourism ambitions,” Shestakov said.

He also expressed concerns over migration, noting that foreign specialists seeking residence permits would need to prove Kyrgyz language proficiency.

“No one disputes the importance of promoting Kyrgyz, but these laws address symptoms rather than causes. Real support begins with quality education. Currently, there’s a shortage of teachers, poor salaries, and a lack of systemic investment. Instead, we’re seeing punitive measures,” he said.

Electoral and Ethnic Implications

A particularly contentious provision mandates the use of Kyrgyz in all political campaigning. According to Shestakov, this could disenfranchise ethnic minorities.

“Kyrgyzstan is home to more than 80 ethnic groups. These restrictions could undermine their political participation,” he noted.

Shestakov also alleged that commercial interests, particularly translation agencies, may have influenced the legislative process for profit.

“It appears these businesses played a key role in advancing the bill,” he claimed.

Multiple civil society organizations have called for the legislation to be revised and resubmitted for public consultation.

Diplomatic Discrepancies

The domestic debate contrasts starkly with recent diplomatic overtures. During a recent visit to Moscow, Japarov met with Russian President Vladimir Putin, who praised Kyrgyzstan for maintaining Russian’s official status and fostering educational collaboration.

“There are currently 200 Russian teachers working in 43 schools across Kyrgyzstan, with plans to expand this network,” Putin noted.

Under the Kyrgyz Constitution, Kyrgyz is the state language while Russian holds official status. In practice, Russian remains the dominant language of interethnic communication. Independent surveys indicate that 25-30% of citizens use Russian daily, with the percentage exceeding 50% in urban areas.

Urban Expansion in Astana: Strengths and Strains

July 6 marked Capital Day in Kazakhstan, a national holiday celebrating the country’s capital. To mark the occasion, Energyprom.kz released an in-depth analysis of Astana’s socio-economic standing, painting a mixed picture of rapid growth and persistent strain.

Competition with Almaty and Global Standing

In the 2025 Global City Ranking by Oxford Economics, Astana ranks 276th out of 1,000 cities worldwide. Almaty ranks slightly higher at 258th. While Astana outperforms Almaty in terms of ecological conditions and economic momentum, it lags behind in human capital and quality of life.

Both cities are considered national leaders, yet remain far behind the world’s top urban centers. According to the National Statistics Bureau, Almaty contributes 21.8% of Kazakhstan’s GDP (29.2 trillion KZT or approximately 56.2 billion USD), while Astana accounts for 11.5% (15.5 trillion KZT or around 29.8 billion USD). In terms of GDP per capita, Astana ranks fourth in the country, behind Atyrau, Ulytau, and Almaty. Its economy is heavily concentrated in services, which make up nearly 80% of its gross regional product.

A Magnet for Opportunity and Strain

Astana continues to attract internal migrants, particularly from rural regions, largely due to its relatively high wages. The average monthly salary in the capital is 538,000 KZT (around 1,035 USD). Higher salaries are found in resource-rich regions such as Atyrau (633,300 KZT) and Mangistau (580,900 KZT).

In Astana, the highest-earning sectors include finance and insurance (1.2 million KZT or 2,310 USD), mining (981,300 KZT or 1,890 USD), and IT (824,600 KZT or 1,587 USD). However, this economic pull has placed growing pressure on the city’s infrastructure. Astana faces ongoing issues related to water supply, sewage systems, disorganized construction, and environmental management. These problems have been highlighted by both President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev and the public.

The High Cost of Living

Astana leads the country in housing prices. In 2023, the average cost of a new apartment reached 595,500 KZT per square meter (approximately 1,146 USD). In the secondary market, the average price rose to 649,800 KZT (around 1,250 USD). A typical 50-square-meter two-bedroom apartment costs nearly 29.8 million KZT (about 57,370 USD). For a resident earning the city’s average wage, saving for such a home without loans would take 55 months, or over four and a half years. In comparison, it would take just 2.5 years in Atyrau.

Rental prices are also high. The average monthly rent for a 50 square meter apartment in Astana was 248,000 KZT in 2023 (around 477 USD), consuming over 46% of the average monthly wage. Only Almaty and Shymkent have higher rent-to-income ratios at 54.4% and 60.3% respectively.

Food costs place additional strain on household budgets. Food accounts for 52% of the average consumer budget in Astana, equivalent to 181,600 KZT (around 349 USD) per person per quarter. Prices for 14 of 19 socially significant food items, including chicken, milk, butter, and vegetables, exceed national averages. Food inflation in the capital remains among the highest in the country.

A Capital at a Crossroads

Astana remains the political and administrative center of Kazakhstan and an important economic driver. Its modern skyline and expanding sectors reflect ambition and investment. Yet the city faces critical challenges, from overstretched infrastructure to growing inequality in housing and basic living costs.

To remain competitive not only with Almaty but also with global urban centers, Astana must address these structural issues through long-term, coordinated policy planning. Its future will depend on how effectively it balances growth with quality of life for its residents.

Uzbekistan, Azerbaijan, and Kazakhstan Launch Joint Venture for Green Energy Corridor

Energy companies from Uzbekistan, Azerbaijan, and Kazakhstan have launched a joint venture to support the development of the Caspian Green Energy Corridor, according to the press service of National Electric Networks of Uzbekistan.

The new company, “Green Corridor Alliance,” was officially established on July 1 in Baku. It brings together three national power operators: Azerbaijan’s Azerenerji, Kazakhstan’s KEGOC, and Uzbekistan’s National Electric Networks. The joint venture is expected to play a pivotal role in exporting green electricity to Europe while bolstering long-term energy security across the region.

Officials have highlighted the corridor’s strategic importance in advancing sustainability goals. “This initiative is important for our energy security and green growth,” the Uzbek side stated.

As previously reported by The Times of Central Asia, the Caspian Green Energy Corridor is supported by the Asian Development Bank (ADB) and the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB). In April, the three countries signed a Memorandum of Understanding with both institutions in Baku to initiate a feasibility study.

The corridor aims to enhance cross-border electricity trade and promote renewable energy use throughout Central Asia and the Caspian region. The long-term objective is to integrate the power grids of Uzbekistan, Kazakhstan, and Azerbaijan, creating a streamlined route for clean energy exports to Europe.

The agreement builds on a strategic partnership formalized by the presidents of the three countries during the COP-29 climate summit held in Baku in November 2024.

Astana Leads 2024 Smart City Rankings in Kazakhstan

Kazakhstan’s Ministry of Digital Development, Innovation, and Aerospace Industry (MDIIA) has released its latest evaluation of local governments’ efforts to implement Smart City technologies. For 2024, the capital city, Astana, secured the top position.

A Smart City integrates multiple information and communication technologies (ICT) and Internet of Things (IoT) solutions to manage urban assets, ranging from residential and commercial properties to transportation and public infrastructure. The core objective is to enhance the quality of life for residents through greater efficiency, safety, and connectivity.

Kazakhstan began implementing its Smart City strategy in 2019, introducing a standardized benchmark for assessing the adoption of smart technologies by local authorities.

The first national Smart City ranking, published in 2020, placed Almaty, Kazakhstan’s largest metropolis, firmly at the top. In subsequent years, Almaty and Astana alternated between first and second place. In 2023, however, Astana emerged as the clear leader.

According to the MDIIA, alongside Astana, the cities of Almaty, Karaganda (Central Kazakhstan), Kostanay (northern Kazakhstan), and Ust-Kamenogorsk (eastern Kazakhstan) rounded out the top five for their effective implementation of urban digital technologies.

“These cities have widely adopted systems for monitoring school performance, electronic fare collection, and real-time tracking of public transport,” the ministry reported. “Online registration for outpatient clinics is in place, and unified 109 contact centers handle public inquiries and complaints. The number of surveillance cameras has also increased, improving public safety.”

As previously reported by The Times of Central Asia, Kazakh authorities are also planning to construct a new city, Alatau, near Almaty. The project is being designed from the ground up to meet all the criteria of a Smart City.

Uzbek Banker Olimov Abducted in Paris, Freed After Ransom Payment

A high-profile Uzbek banker was abducted in central Paris last month and later released after a ransom was paid, Le Monde has reported. Kakhramonjon Olimov, 48, the sole shareholder of Anorbank, was kidnapped in the city’s 8th arrondissement on June 23 and held for nearly two days. French prosecutors have since opened an investigation, and one suspect has been charged with “organized kidnapping.”

The case, described by Le Monde as “straight out of a spy novel,” has drawn international attention due to its dramatic nature and the stature of the victim.

Olimov, a frequent visitor to France, had traveled to Paris on a business trip scheduled for late June. His agenda included meetings with French partners, including executives from energy giant EDF. He is reportedly involved in a gas power plant project in Surkhandarya, southern Uzbekistan, through a Dutch-registered company.

According to Le Monde, Olimov and his assistant arrived in Paris from Tashkent via Istanbul on June 21. That evening, while at the hotel bar, he was approached by an unknown woman who introduced herself as Anastasia, claiming to work at a beauty salon in Turkey. Speaking in both Russian and English, she aroused suspicion due to her opulent appearance, including a white Louis Vuitton jacket and a Tiffany bracelet, which did not align with her purported background.

Two days later, Olimov was kidnapped. He was transported to the basement of a villa near Nice, where he was physically assaulted, threatened, and reportedly subjected to a mock execution. He was later brought to Hôtel-Dieu hospital in Paris on June 25. Medical staff documented multiple traumas and injuries. According to reports, Olimov also exhibited severe psychological trauma, including insomnia and “hypervigilance.”

“It wasn’t pleasant for him, but at least it’s over,” his personal assistant told Le Monde. Olimov is now recovering.

Anorbank, which Olimov fully owns, manages more than $1 billion in assets and ranks among Uzbekistan’s top ten financial institutions, based on the bank’s own reporting.

The motives behind the kidnapping remain unclear. Authorities have not disclosed the ransom amount or further details about the abductors. The case continues to raise alarms in both financial and diplomatic circles, particularly regarding the security of high net worth individuals abroad.

French prosecutors are continuing their investigation. So far, only one individual has been formally charged.

What Does the Arrest of a Former Top Anti-Corruption Official Signal for Kazakhstan?

On Friday, July 4, Kazakhstani media erupted with news of the arrest of Talgat Tatubayev, former head of the National Anti-Corruption Bureau, predecessor to the current Anti-Corruption Agency. Yet the significance of Tatubayev’s arrest may extend far beyond his own record. Many believe the case is the opening move in a broader probe that could ensnare Kairat Kozhamzharov, a former senator and top security official under Kazakhstan’s first president.

Tatubayev’s arrest was amplified by a post from Aset Mataev, head of the KazTAG news agency and the son of Seytkazy Mataev, the current chairman of the Union of Journalists of Kazakhstan. Both father and son were previously prosecuted during Kozhamzharov’s tenure, a period marked by high-profile anti-corruption investigations, including the conviction of former economy minister Kuandyk Bishimbayev.

While Kozhamzharov’s leadership was once praised for exposing major corruption cases, many in Kazakhstan’s media remained skeptical. The elder Mataev’s case in particular shook the journalistic community, which saw his prosecution as politically motivated. It is widely believed that the Mataevs were targeted after refusing to sell KazTAG to allies of then-Mazhilis Speaker Nurlan Nigmatulin.

“In 2016, I had two encounters with Deputy Head of the Financial Police, Talgat Tatubayev,” Aset Mataev wrote on his Telegram channel. “He offered us a deal under Article 65 of the Criminal Code, exemption from liability in exchange for a guilty plea. Others close to Nigmatulin, Yeseyev, Baybek, Zhumagaliyev, and Mailybayev took that route. We refused”.

At the time, the Union of Journalists was gaining influence in the blogosphere amid growing distrust in traditional media. According to Aset Mataev, this created an opportunity for authorities to undermine the Mataevs’ reputation and isolate them professionally. Tatubayev’s damaging interview, published on Ratel.kz, appeared to many as a tool in this campaign.

“He tried to intimidate us, saying, ‘We have orders, and we’ll crush you anyway,’” Mataev wrote. After Seytkazy’s arrest, Tatubayev allegedly contacted Aset from his father’s phone, urging him to stop speaking to the press. “He promised the case would be dropped. Of course, he lied. We were tortured until the verdict was handed down, while he gave interviews claiming my father admitted guilt.”

Unlike Ratel.kz, which was seen as aligned with certain state actors, other outlets mentioned by Mataev allegedly served figures like Bulat Utemuratov, long considered the financial backer of former President Nursultan Nazarbayev, and Karim Massimov, who moved from prime minister to head of the National Security Committee in 2016.

The Mataev prosecution sparked widespread condemnation among journalists, who viewed it as a watershed moment in Kazakhstan’s clampdown on press freedom.

To this day, the Mataev case is widely believed to have been orchestrated by Nigmatulin and his political allies.

Now, with Tatubayev under arrest once more, this time for alleged torture in the notorious Khorgos customs embezzlement case, some observers see the return of unfinished business from the “Old Kazakhstan.” Khorgos, a major border post linking Kazakhstan and China, was the center of large-scale corruption investigations under Kozhamzharov’s leadership.

The General Prosecutor’s Office confirmed Tatubayev’s detention in relation to abuses during the Khorgos probe. Meanwhile, rumors are circulating that Olesya Keksell, one of the key investigators in the Bishimbayev and EXPO-2017 cases, has also been named a suspect.

Whether these developments mark a genuine reckoning or a narrative driven by Kozhamzharov’s critics remains to be seen. If the allegations prove true, the investigation could expose a deep web of corruption tied to the former regime, a legacy Kazakhstan is still grappling with.