Uzbekistan International Affairs - The Times Of Central Asia

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Organization of Turkic States (OTS)

Opinion: Silk Seven or the OTS? Central Asia May Not Have to Choose

A new proposal circulating in Washington – the Silk Seven Plus (S7+) initiative – aims to reshape Central Asia by linking its five post-Soviet states with Afghanistan and Pakistan into an integrated economic region. Azerbaijan is also seen as a potential addition. The idea, advanced by the New Lines Institute for Strategy and Policy, is straightforward: connect landlocked Central Asia to the Black Sea and Arabian Sea through new trade corridors. On paper, the bloc looks compelling. The seven countries form a contiguous zone in the heart of Eurasia, potentially turning geography from a constraint to an advantage. “Central Asia needs an organization built by Central Asian states and for Central Asian states,” said Justin Burke, a resident senior fellow at the New Lines Institute, at a recent event in Washington. “If Central Asia can speak with one voice rather than five different voices, that will make it a more reliable investment destination.” There are signs of momentum. Kazakhstan’s President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev and Uzbekistan’s President Shavkat Mirziyoyev made back-to-back visits to Pakistan earlier this year, highlighting regional connectivity. Proponents argue that if Afghanistan stabilizes, the Silk Seven could become a formidable cluster. But that is a big “if.” It also raises a deeper question: why construct a new, geographically convenient bloc when an existing organization – the Organization of Turkic States (OTS)—already offers something deeper: shared language, history, and identity? While the Silk Seven spans broadly Muslim-majority countries, it is linguistically and culturally diverse. The grouping spans Turkic-speaking Central Asia, Persian-speaking Tajikistan, and Indo-Aryan Pakistan. ASEAN offers a cautionary example. Despite decades of cooperation, its religious, linguistic, and geopolitical diversity – combined with consensus-based decision-making – has often prevented it from speaking with one voice, particularly on China. In The Clash of Civilizations, Samuel Huntington wrote that when ASEAN was created in 1967 by Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines, Singapore, and Thailand, it was an organization of “one Sinic, one Buddhist, one Christian, and two Muslim member states.” Such multicivilizational regional organizations have limits, he said. The Silk Seven risks similar limitations. The OTS, by contrast, rests on a narrower but deeper foundation: its core members—Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Turkey, and Uzbekistan—share closely related languages and overlapping historical experiences. Tucked away in the eight-page document issued after the informal OTS summit earlier this month was a revealing signal of intent: clauses dedicated to cataloguing Turkic cultural heritage, promoting youth engagement through Khiva’s designation as the 2026 Youth Capital, and launching a “Turkic Heritage” digital platform. Together, they show that the OTS is actively building a shared cultural space. Yet even as members emphasize common heritage, differences remain over how far the organization should evolve politically. Kazakhstan’s President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev, the summit host, stressed in his remarks that “the Organization of Turkic States is neither a geopolitical project nor a military organization,” but rather “a unique platform” for cooperation across trade, technology, culture, and humanitarian ties. Azerbaijan’s President Ilham Aliyev struck a more ambitious note, saying that “the Turkic world must grow into one of the influential geopolitical centers of the 21st century,” and pledging...

Humanitarian Aid

Uzbekistan Sends Nearly 200 Tons of Aid to Flood-Hit Afghanistan Ahead of Eid al-Adha

Uzbekistan has delivered nearly 200 tons of humanitarian aid to northern Afghanistan in response to recent deadly floods and ahead of the Muslim holiday of Eid al-Adha, according to the administration of Uzbekistan’s southern Surkhandarya region. The shipment arrived in Afghanistan’s Balkh province and included flour, rice, sugar, pasta, confectionery, vegetable oil, chickpeas, and ready-to-eat meals. Uzbek authorities said the assistance was sent on the instructions of President Shavkat Mirziyoyev as a gesture of solidarity and support for Afghan communities affected by natural disasters. The aid was officially handed over in the border city of Hairatan at facilities operated by Astras. The ceremony was attended by Uzbekistan’s Special Representative for Afghanistan, Ismatilla Irgashev; Surkhandarya regional governor Ulugbek Kosimov; and Balkh deputy governor Nurulhodi Abuidris, along with officials from both countries. Afghan representatives expressed gratitude to the Uzbek government and people for their continued humanitarian support and extended Eid greetings, according to Uzbek officials. The assistance comes as Afghanistan faces renewed destruction caused by severe weather. The Taliban-controlled Bakhtar News Agency reported on May 23 that at least 28 people had died in the previous 48 hours due to heavy rainfall and flash floods across 17 provinces. Ten others were injured, while 176 homes were destroyed and another 534 were partially damaged. Taliban disaster management officials said flooding, storms, hail, and lightning had caused widespread losses in several parts of the country. Uzbekistan has maintained active engagement with Afghanistan despite international uncertainty surrounding the Taliban administration, combining humanitarian assistance with efforts to deepen trade and transport links. A few days earlier, a new railway logistics terminal, Port No. 5, opened on the Hairatan-Mazar-i-Sharif line. The project aims to increase cargo capacity and strengthen regional transport routes between Central and South Asia. The Hairatan crossing remains one of Afghanistan’s main gateways for imports, making cooperation with neighboring Uzbekistan strategically important for both humanitarian deliveries and commercial flows.

Transport Infrastructure

Uzbekistan, Afghanistan Open New Cargo Terminal on Hairatan-Mazar-i-Sharif Railway

A new dry port terminal has opened on the Hairatan-Mazar-i-Sharif railway in northern Afghanistan, marking another step in efforts by Uzbekistan and Afghanistan to expand regional transport infrastructure and increase cargo capacity between Central and South Asia. According to Uzbekistan railways (‘O'zbekiston Temir Yo'llari’), an Uzbek delegation visited Mazar-i-Sharif on May 21, where officials attended the inauguration of Port No. 5, a newly constructed and restored cargo facility on the railway corridor operated by Sogdiana Trans, a subsidiary of Uzbekistan Railways. The terminal received its first freight train during the ceremony, officially launching cargo unloading operations. Uzbek and Afghan representatives said the facility is expected to increase freight volumes and improve logistics efficiency along the Hairatan–Mazar-i-Sharif line, which remains one of Afghanistan’s main rail links to Central Asia. The Hairatan–Mazar-i-Sharif railway, completed in 2010 with financing from the Asian Development Bank, links Afghanistan’s northern trade hub at Hairatan, near the Uzbek border, with Mazar-i-Sharif. The line has become a key corridor for moving fuel, food products, construction materials, and humanitarian cargo. During the visit, Uzbekistan railways Chairman Zufar Narzullayev held talks with Afghanistan’s Deputy Prime Minister for Economic Affairs, Abdul Ghani Baradar. Discussions focused on increasing the carrying capacity of the railway and accelerating infrastructure upgrades. Among the proposals was the construction of an additional 1.65-kilometer branch line near Naibabad station. Officials said the project could reduce wagon waiting times and increase overall railway efficiency. Baradar reportedly welcomed the initiatives and instructed Afghan public works authorities to coordinate technical and construction work with Uzbek counterparts. Afghanistan’s Ministry of Public Works also stressed the need to expand cargo traffic, stating that Afghan authorities are prepared to receive and unload increasing volumes of freight moving through the corridor. The opening of Port No. 5 is part of a wider Uzbek push to strengthen transport and energy links with Afghanistan, inspired by Tashkent's broader ambitions to improve access to South Asian and Middle Eastern markets. Uzbekistan has repeatedly promoted trans-Afghan transport routes as a way to reduce regional trade bottlenecks and expand Central Asia’s external connectivity. In February 2025, Baradar announced that construction of the proposed Hairatan-Herat railway extension would begin shortly after completion of a feasibility study financed by Uzbekistan. The planned route would extend the existing railway westward through Afghanistan toward Herat, potentially strengthening trade connections between Central Asia and the Middle East. During the same visit in 2025, Baradar said Uzbekistan had agreed to reduce the cost of a power transmission project to Afghanistan by $30 million.

Border Disputes

UN General Assembly Adopts Kyrgyzstan-Led Resolution on Border Disputes

On May 20, the United Nations General Assembly adopted by consensus a Kyrgyzstan-backed resolution titled “Peaceful Settlement of Border Disputes,” Kyrgyzstan’s Foreign Ministry announced. More than 40 countries co-sponsored the document. The resolution was presented by Kyrgyzstan jointly with Tajikistan and Uzbekistan. According to the ministry, the main purpose of the resolution is to share with the international community the historic achievement of the three Central Asian countries in resolving border disputes through peaceful means, including dialogue and negotiations, in accordance with the UN Charter and international law. The resolution proposes what Kyrgyz officials described as a simple and universal principle: when states face border disputes, the way forward should be peaceful, lawful, and based on dialogue. According to the ministry, the Central Asian achievements highlighted in the resolution offer the international community an example of good-neighborly relations and peaceful dispute resolution. The adoption of the resolution is another confirmation of the ability of Kyrgyzstan and its neighbors to peacefully resolve complex issues that had remained unsettled for decades, the ministry stated. Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, and Uzbekistan have recently resolved long-standing border delimitation disputes in the Ferghana Valley inherited after the collapse of the Soviet Union. During a summit in Khujand, northern Tajikistan, on March 31, 2025, Kyrgyzstan’s President Sadyr Japarov, Tajikistan’s President Emomali Rahmon, and Uzbekistan’s President Shavkat Mirziyoyev signed a historic agreement on the junction point of the three countries’ state borders, effectively ending decades-long territorial disputes. The three leaders also inaugurated the Friendship Stele, marking the exact point where the borders of the three countries meet. The monument symbolizes friendship among the three nations, the resolution of long-standing border issues, and a new stage of regional cooperation. The Times of Central Asia previously reported on Kyrgyzstan’s initiative to establish the Dostuk (Friendship) International Trade and Economic Park jointly with Tajikistan and Uzbekistan in the border area where the three countries meet. The proposed project is expected to increase cross-border trade, attract investment, and create new economic opportunities across the region.

Russian Influence

Russian Official Says West Is Seeking to Reduce Moscow’s Influence in Central Asia

Russia’s Deputy Foreign Minister Mikhail Galuzin has accused Western countries of attempting to weaken Russia’s position in Central Asia by expanding their economic and strategic influence across the region, according to an interview published by the Russian newspaper Izvestia. Galuzin said the United States and the European Union are seeking greater control over key transport corridors and natural resources in Central Asia, presenting their engagement as efforts to diversify economies and strengthen regional resilience. However, he argued that such initiatives are driven by broader geopolitical objectives. “We note the desire of the United States and the European Union to take control of key transport corridors and natural resources in the region,” Galuzin told Izvestia. He added that Moscow is concerned by what it sees as Washington’s growing involvement in agreements related to critical minerals and rare earth metals. “This is not simply economic competition, but an attempt to push Russia out and create Western-controlled infrastructure near our borders,” Galuzin said. The remarks reflect Moscow’s concern over Central Asia’s multi-vector diplomacy, as Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, and their neighbors expand ties with the European Union, China, the United States, and Gulf countries while maintaining longstanding relations with Russia. Galuzin also claimed that Western governments are promoting narratives portraying Russia as a security threat in an effort to influence regional policymakers. “We observe how the United Kingdom and some EU states systematically advance the narrative of an alleged danger coming from Moscow,” he said. According to the Russian diplomat, the aim is to encourage Central Asian governments to move away from cooperation with Russia in favor of political and economic incentives offered by Western countries. He argued that regional states are unlikely to support such a shift. “Neither Russia nor our historical friends and strategic partners in Central Asia are interested in such scenarios,” Galuzin said, adding that countries in the region “do not want to become pawns in someone else’s game.”

Middle Powers

Opinion: Middle Powers and the “Voice of the Region” – Is Central Asia Becoming a Coordinated Actor?

Against the backdrop of growing global fragmentation and the weakening of universal international institutions, the role of so-called middle powers is increasing. These are states able to influence regional agendas without possessing great-power status. In this changing system, Central Asia is gradually moving beyond its long-standing image as a geopolitical periphery and is beginning to act more like a region with shared interests. For decades, the region was viewed mainly as a space where the interests of external powers, including Russia, China, the U.S., and others, intersected. Today, that paradigm is beginning to shift. Central Asia is showing greater signs of agency through what may be described as a cluster effect: individually, the countries have limited influence, but collectively they form an important transit hub between Europe and Asia, a growing market, a significant resource base, and a strategic security zone. This creates the conditions for a more coordinated regional position, even if a single regional voice is still emerging rather than fully formed. C5+Azerbaijan as a Foundation for Regional Architecture The institutional foundation of this process is the Central Asian leaders' consultative format, which is now expanding through Azerbaijan's participation. That is turning what was once a C5 dialogue into a looser C5+Azerbaijan, or C6, framework focused on transport, energy, and practical cooperation. Within this framework, the countries of the region are learning to act in a more coordinated manner without supranational pressure. In practice, this process is developing through three main areas. The first is transport and logistics. Azerbaijan's participation has strengthened efforts to make the Middle Corridor more coherent, though the route still faces bottlenecks in capacity, customs coordination, and Caspian crossings. Through tariff coordination, simplified border procedures, and investment in port and rail infrastructure, Central Asia and the Caucasus are increasingly functioning as parts of a single transport artery. That gives the region a faster option for cargo between China and Europe, even if it remains far smaller than traditional maritime routes. Shipping goods via the Suez Canal or the northern route can take between 35 and 45 days, whereas the Middle Corridor can reduce transit times to around 13-21 days under favorable conditions. According to forecasts cited by BCG, shipping volumes along the route could increase three- to fourfold during the current decade. Beyond logistics, the project is creating a new economic framework for the region. Its status as a crossroads is attracting investment in transport hubs and manufacturing facilities along the route, with the potential to turn transit corridors into zones of economic growth. This gives participating countries not only transit revenue but a stronger basis for long-term strategic resilience. The second major area is energy integration, where historical disputes over water and fuel resources are increasingly being supplemented by models of joint development. The Kambarata HPP-1 hydropower project in Kyrgyzstan, being developed with Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan, has created an important precedent for shared management of water and energy interests. The project is expected to support cleaner electricity generation while helping stabilize irrigation flows...