• KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00212 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10456 0.19%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28490 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00212 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10456 0.19%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28490 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00212 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10456 0.19%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28490 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00212 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10456 0.19%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28490 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00212 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10456 0.19%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28490 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00212 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10456 0.19%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28490 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00212 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10456 0.19%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28490 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00212 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10456 0.19%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28490 0%

Kyrgyz President Dismisses Right-Hand Man to “Prevent a Split in Society”

A political earthquake hit Kyrgyzstan on February 10.

The tandem of President Sadyr Japarov and security chief Kamchybek Tashiyev was seemingly broken when Japarov dismissed Tashiyev from his post. The reason given for relieving Tashiyev of his position was that it was “in the interests of our state, in order to prevent a split in society, including between government structures,” which hinted that something serious had caused the rift.

Old Friends

After the brief tumultuous events of October 5-6, 2020, that saw the government of President Sooronbai Jeenbekov ousted in the wake of parliamentary elections plagued by violations, Japarov came to power and appointed Tashiyev to be head of the State Committee for National Security (GKNB). The two have remained in those positions and were often referred to as a tandem. Some believe Tashiyev has actually been the one making many of the important state decisions.

Their relationship goes back much further, to the days when Kurmanbek Bakiyev was Kyrgyzstan’s president from 2005-2010.

In August 2006, Japarov, Tashiyev, and some other politicians from Kyrgyzstan’s southern Osh area cofounded the Idealistic Democratic Political Party of Kyrgyzstan, which later became the foundation for the Ata-Jurt party. Both Japarov and Tashiyev were supporters of President Bakiyev.

When Bakiyev was forced to flee the country after the 2010 revolution in Kyrgyzstan, the Ata-Jurt party became the strongest opposition party to the government that emerged after the revolution. Ata-Jurt won the most seats, 28, in the snap October 2010 parliamentary elections, and among the party’s deputies were Japarov, Tashiyev, and another politician named Talant Mamytov.

The three Ata-Jurt deputies helped organize anti-government protests, and during one outside the government building in Bishkek in October 2012, Japarov, Tashiyev, and Mamytov jumped the fence and led an armed crowd to the building. All three were convicted in 2013 of trying to overthrow the government. They were sentenced to a mere 18 months in prison, but did not even serve that, with all three being released in July 2013.

Japarov helped lead a protest in Kyrgyzstan’s northeastern Issyk-Kul Province in October that year. A local official was captured and briefly held by protesters, and after order was restored, Japarov was charged with hostage-taking.

He fled the country and only returned in March 2017. Japarov was immediately arrested and sentenced to 11 ½ years in prison.

A crowd released Japarov from prison when unrest started on October 5, 2020.

Tashiyev was among those who quickly put forth Japarov to be Kyrgyzstan’s next leader, and by October 15, Japarov was both acting prime minister and acting president.

He appointed Tashiyev to be GKNB chief on October 16. Mamytov was elected speaker of parliament on November 4, 2020.

The Dismissal

Tashiyev was in Germany receiving medical treatment when Japarov dismissed him.

On February 11, Tashiyev commented from Germany on his dismissal, calling it unexpected, but said he would heed the president’s decision. “I served our state, people, and president honorably, and I’m proud of it,” Tashiyev said, and expressed his “gratitude to every GKNB employee.“

Tashiyev has gone to Germany for treatment several times in recent years, though he always appeared healthy when carrying out his duties in Kyrgyzstan.

Tashiyev has led the successful battle against organized crime in Kyrgyzstan, and in August 2025, said there were no longer any significant organized criminal groups operating in the country.

Kyrgyzstan’s Border Guard Service has been a department within the GKNB since 2020. So, Tashiyev also led border demarcation talks with Uzbekistan and Tajikistan that resulted in final agreements with both countries after more than 30 years of problems. The resolution of the Kyrgyz-Tajik border was especially important. The two countries engaged in brief but deadly conflicts along the border in late April 2021 and mid-September 2022 that resulted in more than 200 people being killed.

Tashiyev also led the campaign to silence Kyrgyzstan’s once vocal and active political opposition and civil society. For most of Kyrgyzstan’s nearly 35-year history, protests and demonstrations were common, but during the last few years, they have almost entirely disappeared.

During the entire time Japarov has been leader and Tashiyev security chief, the two have had nothing but compliments and praise for each other. Which is why the remarks of Japarov’s press secretary, Askat Alagozov, came as such a surprise.

It was Alagozov who conveyed the information that Tashiyev was being dismissed “to prevent a split in society, including between government structures.” Alagozov said political figures, including Bekbolot Talgarbekov, former Ambassador to Uzbekistan Emilbek Uzakbayev, both in their 70s, and others, “hiding behind the name of Tashiyev called a wide variety of people – from deputies [in parliament] to public figures and representatives of the intelligentsia – and pushed them to various actions, calling on them to ‘go over to the general’s (Tashiyev’s) side.’”

None of this directly implicates Tashiyev in any wrongdoing, but later reports said three deputy chairmen in the GKNB were also dismissed: First Deputy GKNB Chairman Kurvanvbek Avazov, Director of the Coordination Center for Cybersecurity Daniel Rysaliyev, and Director of the Antiterrorist Center, Elizar Smanov.

There are rumors that the director of the Border Guard Service, Abdikarim Alimbayev, might also be sacked soon.

The border guard service was also removed from being part of the GKNB on February 10 and became the State Border Service of the Kyrgyz Republic. Kyrgyz media outlet 24.kg said that, according to its sources, Speaker of Parliament Nurlanbek Turgunbek uulu will be formally dismissed when he returns from an official visit to Turkey.

It is still unclear what prompted all these dismissals, but something big is obviously happening in Kyrgyzstan.

On February 9, a group of former government officials and influential figures sent a letter urging President Japarov to “immediately” prepare for a snap presidential election.

There were rumors in late 2025 that Tashiyev might be considering a run for the presidency, but he denied any such plans in late December, saying Japarov should serve another term.

The European Union is seemingly about to hit Kyrgyzstan with strong sanctions for helping Russia avoid the EU-imposed sanctions on Russia for its full-scale invasion of Ukraine in February 2022. The shake-up of the Border Guard Service could be related to that.

Whatever happened, the seemingly unbreakable tandem of Japarov and Tashiyev appears to be at least fraying, if not severing, and other top officials are involved.

Despite unconfirmed reports circulating late on February 10 that special forces units were being deployed to Bishkek from the regions, local sources said that as of February 11, the situation on the capital’s streets remained calm.

Kyrgyzstan’s Revolutions Since Independence: Three Uprisings That Remade the State

Since gaining independence in 1991, Kyrgyzstan has experienced three major uprisings that removed presidents and reset the political system. The events in 2005, 2010, and 2020 did not follow one script, but shared familiar triggers: disputed elections, corruption, rising living costs, and a belief that the state had been captured by a narrow circle.

Kyrgyzstan began its post-Soviet life with a reputation for relative openness. Askar Akayev initially presented himself as a reform-minded leader, but by the early 2000s, public frustration had grown over perceived corruption and patronage. Political competition increasingly revolved around money, influence networks, and regional loyalties. Weak institutions made leadership transitions risky, and street politics became a recurring instrument of change.

The 2005 Tulip Revolution: The Akayev Era Ends

The first upheaval occurred in spring 2005, following parliamentary elections widely criticized by international observers. The OSCE/ODIHR final report on the February–March 2005 parliamentary elections documented serious irregularities that undermined confidence in the vote:

Protests began in the south and spread to Bishkek. On March 24, 2005, Akayev fled the country as demonstrators seized key government buildings. His resignation was later formalized from abroad. Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty reported on April 4, 2005, that Akayev had signed a resignation agreement intended to stabilize the situation and pave the way for new elections.

Kurmanbek Bakiyev emerged as interim leader and later won the July 2005 presidential election. The OSCE/ODIHR assessment of that vote noted improvements compared with the parliamentary elections but highlighted continuing structural weaknesses.

The 2010 April Revolution: Bakiyev Overthrown

By 2010, public anger was focused on rising utility prices and the concentration of power around Bakiyev’s family. The International Crisis Group’s report Kyrgyzstan: A Hollow Regime Collapses detailed how economic grievances and corruption helped spark a violent uprising.

On April 7, 2010, clashes between protesters and security forces in Bishkek left dozens dead and injured, with the official death toll later revised to 99. Bakiyev fled the country, and a referendum later that year shifted Kyrgyzstan toward a parliamentary system designed to reduce presidential dominance. The transition produced a more plural political environment, though corruption and instability persisted.

In June 2010, interethnic violence in southern Kyrgyzstan, particularly around Osh, caused significant loss of life and displacement, deepening divisions and reshaping the political climate.

The 2020 Upheaval: Election Protests and Rapid Power Shift

Kyrgyzstan’s third major uprising followed disputed parliamentary elections on October 4, 2020, when allegations of vote buying triggered mass protests. The Central Election Commission annulled the results, plunging the country into a political crisis.

President Sooronbay Jeenbekov resigned on October 15, 2020, with Reuters reporting that “newly sprung from jail,” Sadyr Japarov had consolidated power amid the turmoil.

The OSCE/ODIHR assessment of the January 2021 presidential election and constitutional referendum noted that the vote occurred against the backdrop of political upheaval following the annulled parliamentary elections.

Japarov won the presidency in January 2021, and a new constitution entered into force in May 2021, strengthening presidential powers and reshaping the political system.

Why Revolutions Keep Happening

Kyrgyzstan’s revolutions reflect recurring institutional weaknesses. When elections are widely seen as unfair, and corruption appears entrenched, legitimacy erodes. Economic shocks, especially rising living costs, amplify political grievances and mobilize public protest.

Each upheaval has raised expectations of cleaner governance and fairer politics. Each transition has also generated new centers of power and fresh disputes over influence and resources.

Kyrgyzstan remains the Central Asian state where public mobilization has most often altered the national leadership. That history makes the country more politically fluid than its neighbors, but also more vulnerable to sudden instability. The three uprisings since independence demonstrate that when institutions lose credibility, the street can become the decisive political arena.

Parents of Olympic Gold Medalist Ilia Malinin Skated for Uzbekistan

Known as the “Quad God,” American figure skater Ilia Malinin helped the United States win a team gold medal at the Winter Olympics with a performance that included a rare backflip. The young star is building on a family legacy: his Russia-born parents, Tatiana Malinina and Roman Skorniakov, skated at the elite level for Uzbekistan for many years.  

“It runs in the family,” the Olympic Games organization said on social media. 

Malinina, 53, and Skorniakov, 49, decided to compete in figure skating for Uzbekistan after its independence from the Soviet Union, which collapsed in 1991. They represented the country at the Winter Olympics at Nagano, Japan in 1998 and Salt Lake City in the United States in 2002. Both were national champions in Uzbekistan and the couple coached each other at one point.

They moved to the United States and got jobs as skating coaches in Virginia. Their pupils included son Ilia, who was born in the U.S. in 2004 and took up skating when he was a young boy.  

Malinin, 21, got the “Quad God” nickname because of his ability to perform the extremely difficult quadruple axel jump. But it was his team event backflip, a move that was once banned partly because it was considered too dangerous, that really fired up the crowd in Milan on Sunday. He stuck the landing on one skate. Tennis champion Novak Djokovic was in the audience and put his hands on his head in awe after Malinin’s daring maneuver on the ice. 

Malinin’s grandfather on his mother’s side was also a figure skater.  His younger sister has also competed in the sport. 

His mother Tatiana Malinina said that she and her husband initially didn’t want their son to get serious about figure skating. After all, they were well aware of the time, sacrifice and dedication that is required to succeed at the highest level.

“When our son was born, we were thinking, ‘Oh no, we’re not going to do this anymore,´” Malinina said in an International Skating Union interview. 

But young Ilia would show up at the skating rink, making his own programs to music. His parents taught him a few things but didn’t push him. Over time, the young boy’s talent, discipline and focus on excellence became apparent. 

Now Malinin is the two-time defending world champion. At a news conference last week, ahead of the Winter Olympics, he said he had been learning how to handle expectations and use them to channel his motivation and deliver on the ice.  

“I’m honestly thankful for all the pressure and the attention,” Malinin said.

A Eurasian Imprint on Judo’s Paris Grand Slam

The Paris Judo Grand Slam took place on February 7–8 at a sold-out Accor Arena, drawing more than 20,000 spectators to one of the sport’s most prestigious annual events.

Held under the auspices of the International Judo Federation (IJF) as a flagship stop on the IJF World Tour, the competition carried significant world-ranking points early in the qualification cycle for the Los Angeles 2028 Olympic Games. Nearly 500 athletes from 78 countries participated.

While Japan and France dominated the medal table at the Paris Judo Grand Slam, the tournament also underscored a quieter but enduring force in international judo: the sustained competitive influence of Central Asia and the South Caucasus.

Japan topped the medal table with gold medals from Takeshi Takeoka (–66 kg), Yuhei Oino (–81 kg), Goki Tajima (–90 kg), and Dota Arai (–100 kg). France secured three home victories through Shirine Boukli (–48 kg), Sarah-Léonie Cysique (–57 kg), and Romane Dicko (+78 kg).

The remaining titles reflected the tournament’s global reach. Balabay Aghayev delivered gold for Azerbaijan at –60 kg, Distria Krasniqi won –52 kg for Kosovo, Rafaela Silva captured –63 kg for Brazil, Makhmadbek Makhmadbekov claimed the –73 kg title representing the United Arab Emirates, and Szofi Özbas secured the –70 kg title for Hungary, according to official IJF results.

While Azerbaijan is geographically part of the South Caucasus, its Turkic cultural ties, Soviet-era sporting systems, and shared wrestling traditions closely align with Central Asia’s judo landscape. Aghayev’s gold for Azerbaijan, alongside Makhmadbekov’s –73 kg victory, highlighted transnational athlete pathways rooted in a common Eurasian combat sports tradition.

Makhmadbekov—an ethnically Tajik judoka born in Russia—has represented the United Arab Emirates in international competition since 2024, reflecting the increasingly transnational nature of elite judo careers.

73 kg Final: Makhmadbek Makhmadbekov (United Arab Emirates) vs. Manuel Lombardo (Italy); image: Tamara Kulumbegashvili

Kazakhstan’s national judo team reinforced that regional presence by concluding the Paris Grand Slam with three bronze medals, one of its strongest results in the tournament’s history. Aman Bakhytzhan reached the podium in the –60 kg division, while Abylaikhan Zhubanazar (–81 kg) and Nurlykhan Sharkhan (–100 kg) added further medals on the second day.

60 kg Final: Balabay Aghayev (Azerbaijan) vs. Dilshot Khalmatov (Uzbekistan); image: Tamara Kulumbegashvili 

Martial arts occupy a distinctive place across Central Asia and Azerbaijan, where indigenous wrestling traditions long predate modern Olympic disciplines. Styles such as kurash in Uzbekistan, kazakh kuresi in Kazakhstan, and gushtingiri in Azerbaijan, alongside their more traditional forms such as gulesh and zorkhana-influenced pekhlivan wrestling, emphasize balance, explosive throws, and physical control. These attributes remain clearly visible in contemporary judo.

These traditions continue to be showcased at events such as the World Nomad Games and regional festivals across Central Asia and the Caspian region. They were further refined during the Soviet era, which institutionalized sports and established the region as a major development base for elite combat athletes.

Since gaining their independence, Central Asian countries, as well as Azerbaijan, have continued to produce high-level judoka, with shared coaching lineages and training systems consistently feeding the top tiers of international competition. Olympic champions such as Yeldos Smetov from Kazakhstan, Diyora Keldiyorova from Uzbekistan, and Elnur Mammadli from Azerbaijan, alongside long-time world-level contenders including Abiba Abuzhakynova, point to the region’s sustained presence at the sport’s highest level—a pattern previously noted by The Times of Central Asia during its coverage of the Paris 2024 Olympic cycle.

That influence extends beyond the competitors themselves. Following the conclusion of the opening-day contests in Paris, Timur Kemell, a member of the official International Judo Federation (IJF) ceremony delegation of Kazakh origin, took part in presenting the medals. Kemell has been active in regional and international judo governance and development, participating in events organized under the auspices of the IJF.

Day 1 Medal Ceremony: Timur Kemell, Dilshot Khalmatov, Balabay Aghayev, Izhak Ashpiz, Aman Bakhytzhan, and David Inquel at the Paris Judo Grand Slam; image: International Judo Federation (IJF)

The Paris Judo Grand Slam was officially opened by the International Judo Federation, with Marius Vizer, President of the IJF, and Stéphane Nomis, IJF Vice President and President of the French Judo Federation, leading the ceremony. Award presentations throughout the event also featured figures from sport and culture, including David Inquel, Albano Carrisi, Corinne Virulo-Cucchiara, Igor Tulchinsky, and Erika Merion, underscoring the tournament’s institutional and international stature.

At the Paris Judo Grand Slam, Eurasia’s role was not defined by flag dominance or overall medal totals, but by something more enduring: a deeply rooted martial-arts culture that continues to shape the technical and competitive foundations of international judo on one of the sport’s most visible global stages.

Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan Resume Data Sharing on Reservoirs and Transboundary Rivers

Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan have renewed formal cooperation in hydrometeorology, agreeing to exchange key hydrological data on major reservoirs and transboundary rivers, a development officials say is vital for regional flood management and agricultural planning.

The agreement covers data exchange on the Kirov, Orto-Tokoy, and Toktogul reservoirs, all located in Kyrgyzstan but directly influencing downstream water supply in Kazakhstan.

The signing took place on February 9 in Astana, where Kyrgyzstan’s First Deputy Minister of Emergency Situations Mambetov Muratovich and Kazakhstan’s First Deputy Minister of Water Resources and Irrigation Nurlan Aldamzharov endorsed a 2026-2028 cooperation program between Kazhydromet and the Kyrgyz Hydrometeorological Service.

Key Components of the Agreement

The three-year program includes:

  • Regular exchange of hydrological data on shared rivers and reservoirs
  • Joint forecasting of basin runoff and water accumulation
  • Mutual hazard and storm warnings
  • Scientific and technical collaboration
  • Professional exchange between agencies

Describing the agreement as an achievement of “water diplomacy,” Aldamzharov emphasized that timely data is critical to protecting populations and infrastructure downstream, especially during peak water flow and flood risk periods.

Strategic Role of Kyrgyz Water Infrastructure

Kyrgyzstan plays a pivotal upstream role in Central Asia’s water system, delivering seasonal irrigation flows to southern Kazakhstan’s Turkistan, Kyzylorda, and Zhambyl regions via the Chu, Talas, and Syr Darya rivers.

Each of the reservoirs included in the data-sharing agreement serves a distinct strategic function:

  • Kirov Reservoir: Located in Kyrgyzstan’s Talas region, near the Kazakh border; vital for irrigating farmland on both sides.
  • Orto-Tokoy Reservoir: Situated on the Chu River, which flows into Kazakhstan, it regulates seasonal supply for downstream agriculture.
  • Toktogul Reservoir: Kyrgyzstan’s largest, located on the Naryn River, the principal tributary of the Syr Darya, one of Central Asia’s main water arteries feeding Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan.

According to Kazakhstan’s Ministry of Water Resources, during the 2025 growing season, Zhambyl region received 160 million cubic meters of water via the Chu River and 427.5 million cubic meters via the Talas River under existing water allocation frameworks.

Water Stress Ahead of Growing Season

Authorities warn that the Syr Darya basin continues to experience low-flow conditions. Reduced inflows to the Naryn-Syr Darya system are threatening irrigation reliability for the upcoming agricultural season. The Toktogul Reservoir may reach near-record low levels, heightening risks for downstream farmers.

In response, agricultural authorities in southern Kazakhstan have urged the adoption of water-saving irrigation technologies, a shift away from water-intensive crops, and greater reliance on drought-resistant varieties-steps that make access to reliable hydrological forecasts increasingly urgent.

Uzbekistan Bets on Digital Schools to Turn Demographic Growth into Human Capital

With one of Central Asia’s youngest populations and a rapidly changing economy, Uzbekistan is betting that education – particularly digital and inclusive schooling – can determine whether demographic growth becomes an economic asset or a long-term challenge.

Officials from Uzbekistan’s Ministry of Preschool and School Education say the country’s education system is being reshaped to support a development model centered on human capital, equal opportunity, and modern skills. The reforms are anchored in the national Uzbekistan 2030 Strategy, which identifies education and human capital development as central pillars of long-term economic and social transformation.

Around 6.8 million students are enrolled in almost 11,000 general education schools across Uzbekistan, while the preschool system now includes over 38,000 institutions serving children nationwide. While access has expanded significantly over the past decade, disparities in quality – particularly between urban centers and rural regions – remain a persistent challenge.

Digital Education as a Strategic Lever

To address these gaps, the Ministry is increasingly turning to online and blended learning. Digital platforms are being used to deliver standardized educational content nationwide, offering students in remote areas access to lessons and teaching materials that were previously unavailable.

An official from the Ministry described online education as “a complementary tool rather than a replacement for traditional schooling,” emphasizing its role in supporting both students and teachers.

Pilot projects supported by UNICEF have tested inclusive digital school models that combine classroom instruction with online resources in underserved regions.

Beyond student learning, digitalization is also reshaping how the education system is managed.

Electronic education management systems now allow authorities to track attendance, learning outcomes, and regional disparities more systematically, supporting data-driven policymaking and resource allocation.

Teachers at the Center of Reform

Teacher capacity remains one of the most critical variables in the success of digital reform.

Online professional development programs, including short-format training under initiatives such as ISHONCH 2030, are being used to help teachers and school leaders adopt modern practices. Officials argue that digital tools can reduce teacher workload and support independent learning.

However, they also acknowledge that technology alone cannot solve systemic challenges without sustained investment in training, infrastructure, and long-term support.

Aligning with Global Development Priorities

Uzbekistan’s education reforms broadly align with findings from World Bank analytical work on human capital and growth, which highlights education quality, digital skills, and reduced regional inequality as long-term priorities. The report highlights the importance of digital skills, reduced regional inequality, and closer alignment between education systems and labor market needs.

The Ministry says these priorities are increasingly embedded in national policy. Cooperation with international partners – including the World Bank, UNICEF, the Global Partnership for Education, and the European Union – supports curriculum reform, digital infrastructure expansion, and efforts to narrow regional gaps in learning outcomes.

Education and skills development were also highlighted as core priorities at the 2024 Country Platform meeting, reinforcing the sector’s strategic importance within the broader Uzbekistan 2030 agenda.

The Road to 2030

By the end of the decade, the Ministry of Preschool and School Education aims to introduce a nationwide “digital school” model. The vision includes stable internet access in all schools, electronic grading systems, and unified digital platforms connecting students, teachers, and administrators.

Future curricula are expected to place greater emphasis on critical thinking, digital literacy, environmental awareness, and skills relevant to a green and digital economy.

Reducing disparities between urban and rural schools – and ensuring full access for vulnerable and disabled children – remains a central objective.

While implementation challenges persist, particularly in infrastructure and teacher capacity, officials stress that education reform is a long-term investment rather than a quick policy win.

As Uzbekistan navigates economic transition and demographic pressure, the effectiveness of its preschool and school education reforms may prove decisive – not only for individual students, but for the country’s development trajectory over the next decade.