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The Illusion of Influence: The CSTO’s Journey From Symbolic Maneuvers To Real Challenges

Accompanied by a picture of military hardware - though in reverse gear as if symbolically - today, the CSTO (Collective Security Treaty Organization) website announced that “From 26 to 30 September, formations participating in the command-staff exercise 'Unbreakable Brotherhood-2024' with the CSTO Peacekeeping Forces are regrouping in the Republic of Kazakhstan. Contingents of CSTO troops are being sent from the Republic of Belarus, the Kyrgyz Republic, the Russian Federation, and the Republic of Tajikistan to the exercise area in accordance with the plan.” In reality, the history of the CSTO is one of refusals, inaction, and sometimes unexpected successes. On August 31, Armenia announced it had frozen its participation in the CSTO. Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan said he would not name the day when Armenia would leave the CSTO and called the decision to freeze the republic's participation in all structures of the organization correct “at this stage.” In many ways, this half-hearted decision reflects a certain amorphousness that originally characterized the CSTO. History The history of the structure's emergence reflects this lack of crystalline form. The Collective Security Treaty (CST) was signed in Tashkent between Armenia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Russia, Tajikistan and Uzbekistan on May 15, 1992. Azerbaijan, Belarus and Georgia later joined in 1993. The treaty came into effect in 1994 and was set to last five years. During the 1990s and the disintegration of Soviet-era institutions, organizations such as the CSTO or the previously created Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS), whose founding protocol was signed in Almaty, were created to facilitate a smooth “divorce” between the newly independent states. The CSTO was also seen as a force capable of curbing the regional conflicts which were boiling over, such as the Mujaheddin in Afghanistan. Tashkent's bet on Russian weapons in case of conflicts with the Taliban did not work out, however. From the turn of the 1990s into the 2000s, two serious fissures across the borders of Uzbekistan and Kyrgyzstan took place; the republics fought back with their own military and weapons, in addition to Kazakhstan coming to the rescue. The Collective Security Treaty expired in 1999, with Uzbekistan, Azerbaijan, and Georgia withdrawing, whilst Armenia, Belarus, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Russia, and Tajikistan soldiered on under a new pact. The remaining states later transformed the CST into the Collective Security Treaty Organization in 2002. Uzbekistan joined as a full member of the CSTO in 2006 but then flip-flopped and suspended its membership in 2012. A powerless organization While the CSTO was still developing, with President Vladimir Putin coming to power in Russia, the Kremlin's foreign policy changed substantively from that of the Yeltsin era, when Moscow remained indifferent to Nursultan Nazarbayev's integration initiatives. The new direction of Russian foreign policy was expressed in the concepts of “Russia rising from its knees” and the "gathering of lands.” Over time, this evolved into joint war games and military operations with the West in the Middle East and Africa, and for a period the Kremlin seemed to lose interest in Central Asia....

International Relations Diplomacy UN UN Security Council Foreign Policy UN General Assembly

Kyrgyzstan Presents its Candidacy for UN Security Council

Speaking at the 79th session of the UN General Assembly in New York, Kyrgyz President Sadyr Japarov called on the global community to reduce arms spending and international tensions. During the general debate, Japarov nominated Kyrgyzstan's candidacy for the Security Council, saying the time has come to address historical injustices. “If elected, Kyrgyzstan will work to improve the efficiency and transparency of the Security Council and to expand it with balanced regional representation. It is time to eliminate the historical injustice of 60 member states, including Kyrgyzstan, who have never been elected to the Security Council, and to correct the under-representation of African countries on the Council,” Japarov said. The Kyrgyz leader said the world is becoming increasingly unpredictable and complex. He urged all states to continue to support the UN in its core mission of ensuring peace and preventing modern risks and threats in this “turbulent period.” “Unfortunately, this is happening in a world where many nations and peoples still lack access to basic clean water, healthcare, and education. We need to ensure that the money that goes to wars, destruction, and death goes to creating or solving global challenges for all,” Japarov said. The council has 15 members, including five permanent members. The next elections to the Council will be held in June 2026.

EU European Union Afghanistan Diplomacy International Relations Global Diplomacy Taliban

Redefining Diplomacy: Kazakhstan’s Strategic Shift in Relations With Afghanistan

On September 9, 2024, President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev signed a decree dismissing Alimkhan Yesengeldiyev from the position of Kazakhstan's Ambassador to Afghanistan. Yesengeldiyev has been at the post since April 2018. Local media have not yet reported on the appointment of a new ambassador. Previously, Astana has made bold diplomatic steps towards normalizing relations with Afghanistan under Taliban rule. For instance, Kazakhstan accredited Taliban diplomats in April 2023, and removed the Taliban from its list of banned organizations in December 2023. On August 21 of this year, Kazakhstan accredited the head of the Afghan diplomatic mission as charge d'affaires in the country. Astana continues to increase trade, economic, and humanitarian cooperation with the de facto authorities, and has actively engaged in various international platforms for initiatives in Afghanistan. Moreover, President Tokayev outlined Kazakhstan's position on the situation in Afghanistan just a month after the Taliban seized Kabul, when the world was still in shock. “Kazakhstan sees the future Afghanistan as a truly independent and united state living in peace with itself and its neighbors," he stated. "At this crucial historical moment, the multinational people of Afghanistan should not be left alone in the face of unprecedented difficulties.” By changing the head of its diplomatic mission in Kabul, it appears that the authorities in Kazakhstan intend to qualitatively improve the state of their relations with the Taliban. The eventual appointment of a new head of the Kazakh embassy will symbolize a new page in relations. In all likelihood, according to recognized international practice, a diplomat will be presented to the Taliban not in the rank of Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary but as the Charge d'Affaires of Kazakhstan. This will preserve the principle of parity and be understandable given international disputes surrounding recognition of the Taliban. Overall, Kazakhstan's foreign policy steps have always been characterized by consistency and an unwavering focus on international law. It seems that the world as a whole is now acclimatizing to the idea of pragmatic dialog with the authorities in Kabul, with whom it is necessary to maintain constant bilateral and multilateral diplomatic contacts. On September 27, at the official request of the British government, the embassy of the former Islamic Republic of Afghanistan in London will officially cease operations. The embassy building will not be handed over to the Taliban or any other political representation. The embassy in Oslo representing the former government in Afghanistan has also ceased functions since September 12 at the request of the authorities there. Neither the British nor the Norwegian authorities are currently commenting on the situation. A few days ago, Deutsche Welle reported that the German Foreign Ministry has accepted the Taliban's application to recognize their consulate general in Munich as the sole center for providing consular services in Germany. In July, the Taliban Foreign Ministry declared that documents issued by 14 Afghan missions abroad are illegitimate. They were located in Britain, Berlin and Bonn in Germany, Belgium, Switzerland, Austria, France, Italy, Greece, Poland, Australia, Sweden, Canada, and Norway. Currently, the...

Diplomacy Bilateral Relations International Cooperation International Relations

New U.S. Ambassador to Turkmenistan Outlines Priorities For Cooperation

At her first press briefing in Ashgabat, the new U.S. Ambassador to Turkmenistan, Elizabeth Rood, outlined key areas of cooperation between the two countries. She paid particular attention to economic development and investment attraction. Rood emphasized that the U.S. Embassy intends to actively engage with Turkmenistan's government, private sector, and educational institutions to create new jobs and employment opportunities and diversify the national economy. Rood also emphasized four critical areas of work: combating climate change, economic sector development, security issues, and promoting fundamental freedoms. Regarding climate challenges, Rood emphasized Turkmenistan's role in mitigating climate change and welcomed President Serdar Berdymukhamedov's pledge to limit methane emissions. Ambassador Rood also emphasized the importance of supporting civil society in Turkmenistan, including upholding fundamental freedoms and combating forced and child labor. In addition, she expressed her intention to strengthen ties between the peoples of the two countries, noting her inspiration from the determination of Turkmen youth to learn exact sciences and the English language.

International Relations Security Afghanistan Diplomacy Taliban

Kyrgyzstan Removes Taliban From List of Terrorist Organizations

Kyrgyzstan has quietly removed the Taliban from its list of banned terrorist organizations. Kyrgyzstan's Prosecutor General's Office recently published a list of extremist terrorist organizations whose activities are banned by courts in the country. The list includes 20 organizations, but the Taliban is not among them. The State Commission on Religious Affairs could not answer precisely why the Taliban is not on the list. Azamat Yusupov, the agency's deputy head, told reporters that the commission had nothing to do with approving the list. “Given the recent changes in Afghanistan, the Taliban can be removed from the list of terrorist organizations. It is better to contact the judiciary, which can answer this question more accurately,” Yusupov stated. Afghanistan's Taliban government has already responded. The foreign ministry of the unrecognized Islamic Emirate said it “welcomes and approves of the Kyrgyz authorities' decision to remove the Taliban from the list of banned groups.” “The step taken by Kyrgyzstan signifies the growing political recognition of the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan at both regional and international levels and removes an obstacle to strengthening bilateral relations between Afghanistan and other countries,” the foreign ministry said in a statement. The Taliban has been recognized as a terrorist organization in different years and by other countries and organizations. For example, in Kazakhstan, the Taliban was recognized as a terrorist organization by the Supreme Court on March 15, 2005. And in Kyrgyzstan by the decision of the Pervomaisky District Court of Bishkek on September 15, 2006. In Russia, the Taliban was recognized as a terrorist organization by a decision of the Supreme Court in 2003. In June this year, Kazakhstan removed the Taliban regime from the terrorist list to develop economic interaction with Afghanistan. This was announced by President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev, at a meeting of the Council of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO). In May of this year, the Russian Foreign Ministry and the Ministry of Justice reported to Russian President Vladimir Putin that the Taliban could be removed from the list of banned organizations; however, this issue still needs to be resolved in Russia.

Helicopters Afghanistan Diplomacy USA Air Force International Relations military equipment

Politicians Discuss the Impact of Afghan Military Aircraft Remaining in Uzbekistan

The Times of Central Asia previously reported that when the Taliban seized power in August 2021, 22 military aircraft and 24 helicopters of the Afghan military crossed into Uzbekistan’s airspace. US Ambassador to Uzbekistan Jonathan Henick reported that the US and Uzbekistan had officially agreed that fighter jets and military helicopters will remain in Uzbekistan, whilst The Ministry of National Defense of the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan, in turn, stated that “Any deal regarding the fate of Afghanistan’s helicopters and planes in Uzbekistan is unacceptable.” Dr. Davud Azami, an expert on international politics and security issues, commented: “Until the normalization of bilateral relations, the US will not hand over this aviation equipment to the Taliban, but this is unlikely to happen soon. This makes the matter more complicated.” Regarding the Taliban government’s demand for the return of the equipment to Afghanistan, he explained: “The Taliban wants to strengthen its Air Force with these planes, especially helicopters. They also want to use the aircraft for humanitarian and rescue operations, especially during natural disasters like floods and earthquakes. Because buying such planes and helicopters requires money and a partner to sell them, the Taliban is at a huge disadvantage.” Azami stated that the Taliban is waiting for a “favorable opportunity” to exert more pressure on Uzbekistan, and added that the two sides will continue improving their relations despite disagreements over aircraft and helicopters. According to another BBC Uzbekistan interviewee, Uzbek political analyst Farhod Tolipov, this recent Taliban statement is flexible, and referenced the warning of the Taliban's interim Defense Minister that the countries who provided the military aircraft will suffer harmful consequences if the units are not returned. “The Taliban responded by using the phrase ‘good neighborliness’ in the sense that they should not break cooperation. That's why I think that based on what they said, the issue should not take a sharp turn. Because now, neither Afghanistan itself nor its government has become a superpower, and its economy, which is in crisis, needs to be developed. No country in the world has yet recognized them; many problems are ahead. That's why, in my opinion, the probability that they will be obsessed with this one problem is not very high,” said Tolipov. The analyst also expressed his opinion on the construction of the Qoshtepa Canal: “If this project is left unchecked and implemented unilaterally, the environmental consequences will harm Afghanistan itself. Environmental consequences and tragedies know no bounds. It will not be a tragedy for Uzbekistan alone, but also, potentially, for Afghanistan. Therefore, -given an understanding of the risks involved- they should continue work on the project, in coordination, of course, with Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan, and Tajikistan.” Recommendations from Daniel Runde, a Senior Vice President at the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS), on strengthening the USA's relations with Uzbekistan, appeared in previous report by The Times of Central Asia.