Turkmenistan International Affairs - The Times Of Central Asia

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Turkmenistan Steps into the Spotlight with Regional Diplomacy and Economic Reforms

Long known for its isolationist policies, Turkmenistan is gradually opening up to the international community through significant economic and diplomatic initiatives. Recent efforts include diversifying its natural gas exports, engaging in regional infrastructure projects such as the TAPI gas pipeline, and expanding trade partnerships. Additionally, the government has taken steps toward modernization and economic reforms to attract foreign investment, signaling a shift towards enhanced regional cooperation and global integration. This week, these initiatives gathered pace, as Chairman of the Halk Maslahaty of Turkmenistan, Gurbanguly Berdimuhamedov, continued his diplomatic tour of Central Asia with official visits to Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan. Berdimuhamedov's meetings focused on strengthening strategic partnerships, expanding trade and economic cooperation, and deepening cultural dialogue. Visit to Kazakhstan: Cultural Diplomacy and Strategic Cooperation On April 21, Berdimuhamedov arrived in the city of Turkestan, where he was welcomed by Kazakh President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev. The leaders held an informal meeting and visited key cultural and infrastructure sites, including the mausoleum of Khoja Ahmed Yassawi, a UNESCO World Heritage Site considered a spiritual center of the Turkic world. The tour also included the “Ethnoaul” ethnographic complex, the Turkistan Visit Centre, and an inspection of ongoing archaeological and restoration work at the ancient settlement of Kultobe. At the SPK Turkistan industrial park, they reviewed six investment projects worth a total of 36.5 billion tenge, encompassing production from tractors to medical equipment, with future expansion plans involving 112 facilities. During the meeting, Tokayev highlighted growing bilateral ties and discussed joint initiatives in energy, transport, and digitalization. Tokayev reaffirmed Kazakhstan’s interest in participating in the development of Turkmenistan’s Galkynysh gas field and regional infrastructure projects, including the Turgundi-Herat-Kandahar-Spin Buldak railway and various transit highways connecting the two nations. Tokayev also offered support in digital governance and IT training, aligning with broader goals of regional modernization. Speaking to Toppress.kz, political analyst Tair Nigmanov interpreted Berdimuhamedov’s regional tour as a sign of Turkmenistan’s gradual emergence from diplomatic isolation. Nigmanov emphasized the symbolic significance of Turkestan, which Kazakhstan is positioning as a regional diplomatic hub for the Turkic world. Visit to Kyrgyzstan: Tradition and Informal Diplomacy On April 22, Berdimuhamedov arrived in Kyrgyzstan, where he was met at Issyk-Kul Airport by President Sadyr Japarov, who personally drove his guest along the visit route, a gesture that drew public attention. The leaders toured the Rukh-Ordo cultural center in Cholpon-Ata, and held informal discussions. During the visit, Japarov gifted a komuz, a traditional Kyrgyz string instrument, and invited Berdimuhamedov to sample the national kuurma tea. Talks on April 23 focused on enhancing bilateral relations. President Japarov praised the “centuries-old friendship” between the two nations and proposed establishing a Kyrgyz-Turkmen Development Fund, modeled on similar funds with Russia, Hungary, and Uzbekistan. Berdimuhamedov responded positively, expressing a desire to expand cooperation in trade, energy, education, and cultural exchange. Next Stop: Uzbekistan Berdimuhamedov is scheduled to visit Uzbekistan on April 23-24 at the invitation of President Shavkat Mirziyoyev. The agenda includes political, economic, and transportation cooperation, continuing the regional outreach and reinforcing Turkmenistan’s strategic...

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Central Asian Leaders To Join Putin at Moscow’s WWII Parade

Leaders of the Commonwealth of Independent States, or CIS, will attend the 80th anniversary of the victory over Nazi Germany in Moscow on May 9, Russian state media have reported. The CIS, a regional group that was set up as the Soviet Union collapsed in 1991, includes the Central Asian countries that were Soviet republics: Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan. Those leaders have traditionally attended the Moscow parade. But the event drew more international scrutiny in the last few years as Russian President Vladimir Putin tried to showcase diplomatic contacts in the face of Western efforts to isolate him, and display Russian military might as the war in Ukraine dragged on. "I am happy and pleased, just like you, to announce that all heads of state of the CIS will be at the celebrations in Moscow on May 9," CIS Secretary General Sergey Lebedev told the council of the group’s inter-parliamentary assembly. He was quoted by Russia’s RIA Novosti news agency. The Russian news outlet TASS issued a similar report. Kremlin spokesman Dmitry Peskov has said more than 20 heads of state and government are expected to join Putin at the victory parade in Moscow. Some Central Asian countries, whose ancestors fought for the Soviet Union against Germany in WWII, hold their own events around the anniversary of the end of the war against the Nazis. Kyrgyzstan, for example, plans a parade on May 8 in the capital of Bishkek, allowing President Sadyr Japarov to catch the Moscow parade on the next day. Similarly, the Kazakh capital of Astana will host a military parade on May 7 after canceling several previous commemorations.

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Essential but Unwelcome: Central Asian Migrants in Russia

The Crocus City Hall terrorist attack in Moscow on March 22, 2024 triggered strong anti-migrant sentiment in Russian society. Since then, the nation’s authorities have been imposing stricter migration rules. But how does this impact millions of Central Asian labor migrants and their families living and working in Russia? Following the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, Russia became a major destination for migrant workers from Central Asia. According to the official Russian statistics, there are currently almost four million citizens of Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, and Turkmenistan living in Russia, along with approximately 670,000 illegal migrants. Rosstat (the Federal State Statistics Service of the Russian Federation) reports that 260,400 migrants arrived in Russia from January to July this year, with 60% (about 156,200) coming from Central Asian countries. The majority of them are citizens of Tajikistan. In 2023, over one million Tajiks have moved to Russia in search of work. With a large community of its citizens in Russia, the Tajik government seems to be working to not only improve their legal status in the Russian Federation, but also to coordinate some of their actions, particularly in the field of culture. On April 9, in Dushanbe, a meeting took place between Tajikistan’s Minister of Labor, Migration, and Employment of the Population, Solekhi Kholmakhmadzoda, and leaders and activists of the Tajik diaspora living in Russia. Tajikistan initiated the summit after Russia began testing migrant children on their knowledge of the Russian language before admitting them to school. Starting April 1, a law came into effect that prevents Russian schools from enrolling migrant children who do not speak Russian or are in Russia illegally. This measure is just the tip of the iceberg in the Kremlin’s plans to regulate the migrant issue in the country. Alexey Nechaev, the leader of the New People party – one of the handful of the so-called systemic opposition parties in Russia – said on March 19 that “artificial intelligence should be made a new tool for monitoring migrants… It is unfair that Russian citizens are digitized from head to toe, while migrants continue to live with paper documents without any problems,” Nechaev stressed, pointing out that monitoring migrants’ activities through AI could “help keep a closer eye on what foreigners are doing and make it easier to track illegal money flows.” Last year, the Liberal Democratic Party – another ‘systemic opposition’ group – proposed restricting the rights of migrant workers to bring their families into Russia. This initiative raised concerns in neighboring Kazakhstan. The ambassador of the largest Central Asian nation expressed unease to Moscow about such ambitions, referring to the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU), the foundation of which, as he highlighted, is based on ensuring the four freedoms – the movement of goods, services, capital, and labor. Russian reports, however, claim that, as a result of Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan’s membership in the EAEU, their citizens living in Russia have a much better status than those from other Central Asian states. Despite that, on...

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Afghanistan and Central Asia: Pragmatism Instead of Illusions

“When the winds of change blow, some build walls, others build windmills.” — Chinese proverb Afghanistan remains one of the most complex and controversial spots on the map of Eurasia. After the Taliban came to power in 2021, it seemed the countries of Central Asia were faced with a choice: to distance themselves from the new regime or cautiously engage with it. However, it appears they have chosen a third path - pragmatic cooperation free from political intentions. Today, a window of opportunity is opening for the Central Asian states to reconsider their relationship with Afghanistan, not as a buffer zone or a source of instability, but as a potential element of a new regional architecture. At the same time, these countries are in no hurry to establish close political ties with Kabul. They avoid making declarations about "integrating" Afghanistan into Central Asia as a geopolitical region. Instead, the focus is on practical, rather than political or ideological, cooperation in areas such as transportation, trade, energy, food security, and humanitarian engagement. This pragmatic approach is shaping a new style of regional diplomacy, which is restrained yet determined. Against this backdrop, two key questions emerge: What role can Afghanistan play in regional development scenarios, and what steps are needed to minimize risks and maximize mutual benefit? Afghanistan After 2021: Between Stability and Dependency Since the end of the war and the Taliban’s return to power, Afghanistan has experienced a degree of relative order. However, the country remains economically and institutionally dependent on external assistance. Historically, Afghanistan has survived through subsidies and involvement in external conflicts, from the “Great Game” to the fight against international terrorism. Today, new actors, such as China, Russia, India, Turkey, and the Arab states, are stepping onto the stage alongside Russia, the United States, and the broader West. In the context of current geopolitical realities after the fall of its “democratic” regime, Afghanistan has found itself in a gap between the experiences of the past and a yet undetermined future. It has a unique opportunity to transcend its reputation as the “graveyard of empires” and determine its fate while simultaneously integrating into the international community. How the de facto authorities in Afghanistan handle this opportunity will not only shape the Afghan people's and the region's future but also influence the development of the entire global security paradigm. In parallel, the countries of Central Asian are building bilateral relations with Kabul on strictly pragmatic terms: participation in infrastructure and energy projects, food supply, and humanitarian aid. All of these steps have been taken without political commitments and without recognizing the regime. [caption id="attachment_30841" align="aligncenter" width="1062"] The border between Afghanistan and Tajikistan near Khorog, GBAO; image: TCA, Stephen M. Bland[/caption] Geo-Economics and Logistics: Afghanistan as a Strategic Hub The regional reality in Central Asia is increasingly taking on a geo-economic dimension. The region is not only an arena for the interests of external powers but also a zone for developing transport, logistics, and energy networks in which Afghanistan is playing an...

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Central Asia: An Arena of Geopolitical Attraction

Though 2025 is not yet at its halfway point, Central Asia has already emerged as one of the primary stages of global diplomatic engagement. Rich in natural resources and strategically positioned between global powers, the region has attracted increasing interest from the European Union, China, Russia, and others. Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, and their neighbors are asserting greater agency, pursuing multi-vector foreign policies, and striving to capitalize on evolving geopolitical dynamics. EU-Central Asia: A New Chapter Amid regular annual meetings, a landmark event this year was the inaugural EU-Central Asia Summit, held in Samarkand, Uzbekistan, on April 3-4. Leaders of all five Central Asian states met with European Council President António Costa and European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen. Discussions centered on infrastructure development, including the Trans-Caspian route, digitalization, energy security, and water resource management. The summit concluded with a pledge to sign an Enhanced Partnership and Cooperation Agreement. This meeting was facilitated by a reconfiguration of global alliances. U.S. President Donald Trump's new tariff policies and the evolving relationship between Washington and Moscow have led European leaders, unwilling to restore ties with Russia, to seek new partnerships. Central Asia, with its strategic position and investment potential, is increasingly appealing. Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan, the region’s economic leaders, are particularly eager to attract foreign capital. The EU represents a possible source, though Russian analysts remain skeptical about Europe’s ability to dislodge Russian and Chinese influence. For instance, Mikhail Neizhmakov of the Russian Agency for Political and Economic Communications noted that while von der Leyen spoke of a €12 billion Global Gateway investment package, China is the largest exporter of investment in the Eurasian region, with accumulated direct investment of $58.6 billion at the end of the first half of 2024, according to the Eurasian Development Bank. Security Discourse and Russian Narratives In addition to the EU summit, the region hosted other key diplomatic events, such as the Digital Forum in Almaty earlier this year, which was attended by Russian Prime Minister Mikhail Mishustin. Another major gathering was the CIS Council of Foreign Ministers, held on April 11, also in Almaty. Ministers approved a 2025 consultation plan and adopted joint statements on regional security, humanitarian cooperation, and opposition to unilateral sanctions. Kazakhstan: A Regional Diplomatic Hub Kazakhstan has so far distinguished itself as Central Asia’s foremost diplomatic player in 2025, hosting high-level visits and spearheading regional engagement. In January, Prime Minister Mishustin visited Astana and Almaty. February saw King Abdullah II of Jordan meet with President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev to discuss investment and humanitarian cooperation. In March, President Tokayev welcomed his Slovenian counterpart, Nataša Pirc Musar, who expressed interest in expanding bilateral trade. French President Emmanuel Macron is also preparing to visit Kazakhstan later this year, reinforcing France’s strategic interest in the region. In June, meanwhile, Chinese President Xi Jinping is scheduled to attend the second Central Asia-China Summit in Astana, where trade and investment will top the agenda. Navigating a New Geopolitical Order Today, Central Asia represents a vital intersection of East and West....

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Central Asia Creates a Rift in the Turkic World Over Cyprus

Since the beginning of the Russian invasion of Ukraine, the five Central Asian republics have been performing a very complex balancing act. In some cases, this dynamic has forced them to make difficult decisions from a geopolitical point of view. This is the case with what has happened in recent weeks regarding diplomatic recognition of the Republic of Cyprus, a member of the European Union since 2004. Between December 2024 and the end of March 2025, Uzbekistan, Kazakhstan and Turkmenistan have each appointed diplomatic representatives in the Republic of Cyprus. Kazakhstan has decided to open its own embassy in Cyprus directly, while Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan have accredited their respective ambassadors in Italy as diplomatic representatives for the Eastern Mediterranean Island also. Looking at the calendar, it doesn't seem to be a coincidence that these decisions were taken in the weeks leading up to the first historic summit between the European Union and Central Asia at the level of heads of state and government. The fourth point of the official joint declaration issued at the end of the meeting clarifies the matter: the text clearly states the support of the parties involved - the European Union and Central Asia - for United Nations Security Council Resolutions 541 (1983) and 550 (1984). These two resolutions make it clear that the only recognized authority on the island is that of the Republic of Cyprus. In recent years, there has been no shortage of explicit references to the Cyprus issue in relations between the European Union and Central Asia. This was the case, for example, in September 2023: during a conference in Brussels, Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan, Kyrgyzstan, and Tajikistan were warned against officially accepting the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TNRT) as an observer member of the Ankara-led Organization of Turkic States (OTS). Dietmar Krissler, head of the European External Action Service's Central Asia desk, spoke of the possible “negative effects” for the Central Asian members if they were to ratify TRNT's access to the Organization as an observer. Returning to the summit held in Samarkand at the beginning of April, the President of the European Commission, Ursula von der Leyen, announced during the discussions that €12 billion would be invested in Central Asia in various sectors. By also using the prospect of these investments, the European Union's diplomatic pressure on the Central Asian republics over Cyprus has been successful. As BBC Türkçe reports, this is not just a formal declaration of intent: in the official joint statement, future cooperation is in fact closely linked to compliance with the principles contained in the two UN resolutions, a very clear position. From Turkey's point of view, however, the picture is quite different. Turkey is the only country in the world to officially recognize the TRNC, which became a self-proclaimed independent entity in 1984 after Turkey invaded part of the island in 1974. Over the years, Ankara’s pressure has succeeded in preventing relations between the Central Asian republics and the Republic of Cyprus from going as...