• KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00213 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10456 0.19%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28490 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00213 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10456 0.19%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28490 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00213 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10456 0.19%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28490 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00213 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10456 0.19%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28490 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00213 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10456 0.19%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28490 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00213 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10456 0.19%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28490 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00213 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10456 0.19%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28490 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00213 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10456 0.19%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28490 0%

“I Dreamed of Writing Without Borders”: An Interview With a Kazakh Journalist in Russia

Elmira, a journalist from Astana, moved to St. Petersburg six years ago to study journalism. Since then, she has transformed from a reserved first-year student into a working reporter, navigating culture shock, social media censorship, and the outbreak of the war in Ukraine. In this candid interview, Elmira discusses Russian bureaucracy, casual racism, and finding her voice in the Russian media landscape. She also offers reflections for others considering a similar path.

TCA: Why did you choose to study in St. Petersburg rather than stay in Kazakhstan or go elsewhere?

Elmira: I applied before the war in Ukraine began. At that time, Russia seemed like a land of opportunity, where you could earn a decent living even without connections, which is rare in Kazakhstan. Plus, Russia offers state-funded spots for foreign students, as long as you pass the entrance exams.

Kazakh journalism programs felt underdeveloped to me; they lacked tradition, experienced faculty, and institutional history. In contrast, Russian journalism schools had all of that. Also, I wanted to write in Russian. My family always spoke Russian at home, and Kazakh was harder for me, an experience common among northern Kazakhs. Studying elsewhere was financially out of reach, and among CIS countries, Russia was the most appealing.

TCA: Why journalism? And did your expectations match reality?

Elmira: I’ve loved writing since childhood, school news, travel stories, anything. I imagined journalism as limitless creativity. In reality, it has even more constraints than other fields: editorial policies, laws, and censorship. Still, I wasn’t disappointed. Restrictions force you to innovate, and a strong story can always be told within the right format.

TCA: What were your first impressions of university life? Did you feel like part of an international community or an outsider?

Elmira: The university itself was a pleasant surprise. Many professors were open-minded and genuinely interested in students’ ideas. That made me feel I belonged.

But the student environment was tougher. Although classmates claimed, “We’re not racist,” jokes about Tajiks, Uzbeks, and Caucasians were common, and occasionally about Kazakhs too, disguised as “harmless humor.” These moments were alienating. You’re sitting in the same lectures, working on the same projects, but still feel like a stranger.

TCA: Was the Kazakh diaspora in St. Petersburg helpful during your adjustment?

Elmira: Definitely. The community is very supportive. Besides the consulate, groups like Atameken and Dostar host cultural events. I couldn’t volunteer, but I never missed Nauryz or Independence Day. Just being able to speak with fellow Kazakhs helped me feel at home.

TCA: What domestic or cultural challenges surprised you the most?

Elmira: Dorm life was tough. Once, I overheard roommates say, “How can you live with a Chinese woman? She must smell bad.” These moments were rare but memorable.

Still, there were warm experiences. In the dorm, I befriended students from Kyrgyzstan, Armenia, and Tajikistan. We cooked together, shared stories, and supported each other. That helped me to feel part of a community.

I was also heartened that many Russian students were genuinely curious about Kazakhstan. They asked about our traditions, holidays, food, and even wanted to learn Kazakh words. That interest helped bridge gaps.

TCA: What bureaucratic challenges did you face as a foreign student?

Elmira: Once I moved out of the dorm, everything was on me: registrations, medical checks, document translations, insurance. The queues at the MFC were endless, and staff often didn’t know the rules. There’s only one clinic in the city that handles medical exams for foreigners. I once waited there for nearly nine hours.

TCA: How did you transition from student to journalist?

Elmira: I started writing for Kazakhstani outlets in my first year. By graduation, I had a solid portfolio, which made getting internships and job offers easier. Editorial teams were welcoming and quite diverse.

TCA: How did the war in Ukraine, starting on February 24, 2022, affect you and your university environment?

Elmira: It was terrifying. I seriously considered dropping out, but my parents persuaded me to stay, and they were right. The first months were tense. Some friends criticized me for “staying in Russia,” even though I opposed the war.

At university, political discussions disappeared. Navalny’s name wasn’t mentioned. Topics like Chechnya were covered in vague terms. Censorship grew steadily, Instagram was no longer considered a source, and LGBT issues were whispered about.

TCA: How did media censorship and tech restrictions affect your work?

Elmira: At first, it was chaotic, VPNs failed, and services like Canva were blocked. Now, I pay for a reliable VPN and keep backups for essential tools. I avoid sensitive topics that could endanger sources or myself, but even cultural reporting is now reviewed under new laws.

TCA: Have you faced job discrimination as a foreigner?

Elmira: Not directly during interviews, but as a part-time layout designer, I noticed something. A Russian friend and I would apply for the same internships, same skills, and with similar portfolios. She got interviews, I got polite rejections. It likely wasn’t about qualifications but assumptions: that I might have an accent, misunderstand tasks, or not fit in.

TCA: Are there any advantages to being a foreigner in Russian media?

Elmira: Honestly? Not many. It’s riskier to tackle controversial topics. But I’ve found a niche, writing about cultural ties across CIS countries. My background gives me insight that others might not have.

TCA: What helped you overcome the challenges?

Elmira: Friends, above all. I met my future husband in St. Petersburg; he’s Russian. His support has been essential. We’re planning to move to Kazakhstan eventually and are saving for a home there.

TCA: How have intercultural relationships affected your family dynamic?

Elmira: Our families reacted differently. My Kazakh relatives were initially worried – interethnic marriages still raise eyebrows in Kazakh society. On Kazakh social media, there are constant posts criticizing women who marry foreigners, with bizarre claims about “diluting the nation.”

Thankfully, our families came around. They saw that we respect each other and maintain traditions. We approach cultural differences not as threats, but as opportunities to grow stronger together.

TCA: What advice would you give aspiring Kazakh journalists considering a move to Russia?

Elmira:
Be realistic about the bureaucracy, registrations, health checks, and documents cost time and money. Expect cultural differences, and yes, everyday racism.

Most importantly, stay connected to Kazakhstan. The diaspora and Kazakhstani media can be a vital support system if things change.

German Firm to Build New Cargo and Passenger Airport in Kazakhstan

Kazakhstan’s Prime Minister, Olzhas Bektenov, has met with Dr. Christine Grötzbach, board member and co-founder of the German aviation company Skyhansa, to finalize the construction timeline for a new cargo and passenger airport in the Zhetysu region. The first phase of the project is expected to be completed by 2027.

The facility will be built within the Khorgos – Eastern Gate special economic zone (SEZ), located on Kazakhstan’s border with China. The project envisions the creation of a multifunctional aviation hub designed to meet ICAO international standards and will be developed in phases, according to a government announcement.

The initiative is being carried out under a framework agreement between Kazakhstan’s Ministry of Transport and the Kazakh-German consortium Skyhansa. On the German side, the project is led by the Hansa Consortium, an aviation infrastructure specialist, while the Kazakh side is represented by Skymax Technologies, a regional logistics and infrastructure operator active in Central Asia and the Caucasus.

The total investment in the airport project is projected at $500 million. Dr. Grötzbach emphasized that the vision extends far beyond a standard airport facility.

“We are creating not just an airport, but a comprehensive infrastructure: cargo and passenger terminals, a fuel and refueling complex, an aviation technical center, a business center, and hotels,” she stated. “Its strategic location near China, combined with access to rail and road transport, positions it as a key logistics node on the New Silk Road.”

Bektenov echoed this sentiment, stating that the project will significantly enhance Kazakhstan’s transport and logistics capabilities.

“The implementation of this project will give a powerful impetus to the development of transport infrastructure and reinforce Kazakhstan’s role as a bridge between China, Central Asia, and Europe,” he said.

This announcement follows a similar initiative by Kazakhstan’s Ministry of Transport, which recently signed an investment agreement with Terminals Astana Airport Limited, a subsidiary of a UAE-based holding company. That project involves a $1.1 billion investment in the development of the Astana Aerotropolis, as reported by The Times of Central Asia.

China’s Fufeng Group to Build Deep Corn Processing Plant in Kazakhstan

Kazakhstan’s Ministry of Agriculture and China’s Fufeng Group have signed an investment agreement to construct a deep corn processing plant in the Zhambyl region of southern Kazakhstan.

According to the ministry, the project will establish a vertically integrated industrial park with an annual corn processing capacity of up to one million tons. The complex will feature a starch production facility, three bio-fermentation plants, a coal-fired thermal power station, and a wastewater treatment plant. Future plans include facilities for producing hydrochloric acid and liquid ammonia.

The site will also manufacture amino acids and feed additives such as lysine, glutamine, glutamic acid, leucine, and threonine. The output will be primarily aimed at export markets in Europe, North Africa, and the Middle East.

Fufeng Group will invest approximately $350 million in the initial phase of the project, with the total investment expected to reach $800 million.

Production is scheduled to begin in 2029, with plans to scale up to five million tons of processed corn annually by 2032. The company intends to purchase 500,000 tons of locally grown corn starting in 2025 and to sign forward contracts with Kazakhstani agricultural producers in 2026.

This investment follows a broader trend of Chinese capital flowing into Kazakhstan’s agro-industrial sector. As previously reported by The Times of Central Asia, Chinese biopharmaceutical firm Yili Chuanning Biological Co. is investing $500 million in a major corn processing project in the Almaty region. That initiative will utilize advanced biotechnology to produce amino acids, probiotics, and biodegradable materials, including medical and packaging products.

Uzbekistan to Join International Nuclear Liability Agreement

Uzbekistan is set to join the 1963 Vienna Convention on Civil Liability for Nuclear Damage, following its approval by the Senate during the chamber’s eighth plenary session. According to the Senate press service, lawmakers reviewed and passed the legislation confirming Uzbekistan’s accession to the international treaty.

By joining the convention, Uzbekistan will adopt globally recognized legal standards for managing nuclear incidents. The treaty establishes a framework for liability in the event of nuclear accidents and sets out rules for compensating damages. It also mandates that nuclear facility operators provide financial guarantees to cover potential claims.

Senators emphasized that accession will strengthen the country’s legal framework on nuclear safety, enhance public trust, and promote international cooperation in the sector. “Joining the Vienna Convention means that in the event of a nuclear incident, Uzbek citizens will be better protected, and the country will be part of a global system that ensures compensation is paid fairly,” one official said.

The core aim of the convention is to define the legal responsibilities of nuclear operators and ensure a minimum level of financial protection for victims. Officials noted that the move would integrate Uzbekistan into the global nuclear legal regime, enhance systems for insurance and compensation, and clarify the government’s role in regulating the industry.

Kazakhstan is currently the only Central Asian country that is party to the Vienna Convention, according to the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA). Uzbekistan’s accession will make it the second country in the region to join.

Officials also said the decision will deepen collaboration with the IAEA and enable Uzbekistan to participate in additional international initiatives related to nuclear energy and safety.

The Senate approved the legislation unanimously at the end of the session.

Kyrgyz Security Forces Warn Officials of Prosecution Over Inefficiency

The State Committee for National Security (GKNB) of Kyrgyzstan has issued a stern warning to municipal officials in Bishkek, threatening criminal prosecution for negligence and ineffective performance of official duties.

The warning came during a meeting initiated by the GKNB and held at Bishkek City Hall. All heads of the capital’s territorial divisions were present. Officials were instructed to take a more responsible approach to their work, particularly regarding urban development, social services, and the responsible use of public funds.

“All heads of local authorities are advised to draw their own conclusions so that their future activities will only benefit society and not cause harm,” stated Kamchybek Tashiev, head of the GKNB.

Tashiev also criticized the procurement of cheap, low-quality goods through public tenders, emphasizing that quality and efficiency, not just cost, should guide spending decisions.

The crackdown follows the high-profile arrest of Tokmok Mayor Maksat Nusuvaliyev, a move seen by analysts as a stark signal from the central government to regional administrations.

Nusuvaliyev was detained during a similar meeting with Tashiev in Tokmok, in full view of his subordinates. He faces charges of corruption and misappropriation of funds intended for the construction of a sports school and a cultural park. His arrest followed complaints from local residents and concerns from central authorities over delays and inefficiencies in the projects.

The government had previously allocated approximately $12 million for Tokmok’s urban improvement. However, President Sadyr Japarov later stated that the funds had yielded no tangible results.

Along with Nusuvaliyev, two other officials and the head of the construction company overseeing the projects were also detained. A court has ordered that all four be held in pretrial detention for two months.

Footage of the mayor’s detention was widely circulated online, further fueling public attention.

In response to the scandal, Tashiev demanded immediate accountability from other local officials. They were given three days to either recommit to fulfilling their duties or resign voluntarily.

In a striking directive aimed at reconnecting officials with local issues, Tashiev also ordered administrators in the Chui region to travel on foot through their districts to observe municipal problems firsthand.

Kazakhstan Moves to Ban Face-Coverings in Public

On June 25, Kazakhstan’s Mazhilis, the lower house of parliament, approved amendments to the law “On the Prevention of Offenses,” introducing a new provision that prohibits wearing clothing that obscures the face in public places. While the regulation applies broadly, the most contentious element is its effective ban on the niqab, a religious garment that leaves only the eyes visible.

This legislative move echoes ongoing debates in Kazakhstan and across Central Asia, where secular norms are enshrined in law but tensions persist over religious expression.

Medical Masks Exempt

Earlier, on June 19, Senator Nauryzbay Baikadamov clarified that the amendments would exempt face coverings worn for medical reasons, weather protection, or professional duties. According to Baikadamov, the law aims to enhance public safety and assist in crime prevention.

While accessories such as balaclavas are included in the ban, the central controversy surrounds the prohibition of the niqab.

The Scarf of Discord

Understanding the distinctions among various forms of religious dress is critical to the current debate. The niqab is a face veil that leaves only the eyes uncovered, while the burqa (or paranji), typically worn in Afghanistan, covers the entire face with a mesh screen over the eyes. Burqas are rarely seen in Kazakhstan.

Niqabs and black, floor-length dresses have become more visible on Kazakhstan’s streets in recent years, reflecting broader religious shifts. By contrast, the hijab, a headscarf that leaves the face exposed, has become commonplace and enjoys broader acceptance.

While niqabs are widely seen as foreign to Kazakh culture, hijabs hold a more complex status. Historically, Kazakh women did not cover their faces, a fact supported by pre-revolutionary photographs. The niqab is viewed by many as an imported practice, largely linked to Islamic teachings from Arab countries.

The hijab, however, is often seen as consistent with Kazakh traditions. As such, attempts to ban it have repeatedly stirred controversy.

Religious Tensions in Schools

In the fall of 2023, more than 150 schoolgirls in the Atyrau region refused to attend classes in protest against a hijab ban. Similar incidents were reported in other southern regions. Authorities reported that the situation was resolved after consultations with parents, but ambiguity remained regarding the scope of the restrictions, particularly whether the hijab was included.

President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev ultimately addressed the issue, reaffirming Kazakhstan’s secular identity.

“This principle must be strictly observed in all spheres, including education. School is, first and foremost, an educational institution where children come to gain knowledge. Religious beliefs, on the other hand, are a choice and a private matter for each citizen,” Tokayev stated.

Still, the legal and cultural status of the hijab remains unresolved. While school uniform policies emphasize secular dress, enforcement is inconsistent, and experts warn of renewed conflict. Religious scholar Asylbek Izbaev noted, “It is not so important what a girl wears on her head as what she thinks.”

A Regional Trend

Kazakhstan’s move is part of a broader trend across Central Asia. In January 2025, Kyrgyz President Sadyr Japarov signed a law banning face-covering clothing. In 2023, Uzbekistan introduced fines for similar attire, and in 2024, Tajikistan banned clothing deemed “foreign to traditional culture,” a measure that has led to restrictions on religious garments.

Across Europe, comparable laws have long existed. Countries such as France, the Netherlands, Denmark, and Austria prohibit face coverings in public, citing security and cultural cohesion. Switzerland imposes substantial fines, while debates continue in the United Kingdom.

Kazakhstan now joins a growing list of nations grappling with how to balance religious expression with public security and secular governance.