• KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00192 -0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10866 0.18%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00192 -0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10866 0.18%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00192 -0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10866 0.18%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00192 -0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10866 0.18%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00192 -0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10866 0.18%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00192 -0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10866 0.18%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00192 -0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10866 0.18%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00192 -0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10866 0.18%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0%
12 December 2025

Kyrgyzstan to Build Large Residential Complex with IT Hub in Osh

Kyrgyzstan has launched the construction of an IT town as part of the large-scale project, an initiative aimed at transforming Osh, the country’s second-largest city.

Speaking at the launch ceremony on February 14, President Sadyr Japarov stated that the project’s main goal is to ensure sustainable regional development through modern technology and large-scale housing construction.

The Osh project will include a residential complex with over 10,000 apartments, covering a total area of 1 million square meters. The development will feature modern schools and kindergartens; medical facilities and gyms; pedestrian and bicycle paths; green recreation areas; and children’s playgrounds.

A key component of the project, the IT town, will serve as an innovation hub for entrepreneurs and IT specialists, offering modern residential, social, and commercial infrastructure.

According to Japarov, the growth of the IT sector will enhance Kyrgyzstan’s global competitiveness, accelerating economic, social, and technological development in Osh and beyond. The initiative is expected to strengthen trade, economic, cultural, and humanitarian ties, while also attracting more foreign tourists.

Japarov noted that thousands of jobs will be created during the construction process, helping to reduce migration levels. Once completed, the Osh project will generate employment in housing services, education, healthcare, and the IT industry.

The IT town is envisioned as a magnet for IT professionals, drawing specialists from across Kyrgyzstan and abroad.

Why Kazakhstan’s Tokayev Was Right About Diplomacy in Ukraine

When the history of the war in Ukraine is written, one question demanding extended treatment will be why diplomacy remained sidelined for so long. Conflicts involving major powers and their proxies have in recent decades (think of Korea, Vietnam, and the Balkans) finished mainly not in outright military victories but in negotiated settlements. Now, with reports of U.S. President Donald Trump reaching directly out to his Russian counterpart Vladimir Putin, it is important to reassess why the long-standing insistence on diplomacy by Kazakhstan’s President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev was not met with more support. 

Tokayev’s early insistence on negotiations was instead met with scepticism. As the war ground on, Ukraine’s 2023 counteroffensive (planned and mandated by Western advisors) failed while Russia’s entrenchment in the occupied territories continued. The fact that a Trump–Putin call has taken place, bypassing European leaders, underscores the shift of view in Washington.

Kazakhstan’s foreign policy approach to the war in Ukraine has been dictated by its unique geopolitical position. As a founding member of both the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) and the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO), Kazakhstan’s economic and security ties to Russia are extensive. At the same time, its leadership has consistently pursued a multivector foreign policy, balancing engagement with China, the European Union, and the United States.

Tokayev’s refusal at the June 2022 St. Petersburg International Economic Forum to recognize the so-called Donetsk and Luhansk People’s Republics signalled Kazakhstan’s commitment to sovereignty and neutrality. In November 2022, Kazakhstan began to reduce Moscow’s leverage over its energy sector by sending oil for export via the Caspian Sea, into pipelines in the South Caucasus, bypassing the established route through the Caspian Pipeline Consortium via southern Russia.

Had global policymakers taken Tokayev’s warnings more seriously in 2022 and 2023, certain escalations might have been mitigated. Kazakhstan was not alone in advocating for negotiations. Turkey brokered a grain shipment deal in 2022, and the Vatican attempted discreet backchannel diplomacy. However, Kazakhstan’s deep historical and economic ties to Russia gave its perspective unique weight.

Kazakhstan’s approach was pragmatic. Western states viewed engagement as legitimizing Russian aggression. From Central Asia, however, the view was that indefinite warfare would destabilize Eurasia and inflict mounting costs on all stakeholders, not least Moscow.

The West dismissed calls for diplomacy as naïve or as concessions to Moscow. Western leaders continued to believe military pressure, coupled with economic sanctions, was the only viable means of deterring Russian aggression. This may have been true if the military pressure had been an order of magnitude stronger from the beginning, rather than a slow drip of weapons systems that never had a chance of making a decisive difference.

The reluctance of Western leaders to consider early diplomacy was not entirely unfounded. The atrocities committed by Russian forces in Bucha and Mariupol made any engagement politically fraught. Ukraine, emboldened by Western military aid, had every reason to resist diplomatic settlements that would lock in its territorial losses.

Smaller states often possess a more acute awareness of the dangers of prolonged great-power conflicts than the great powers themselves. By advocating early in favor of negotiations, Tokayev was expressing a reality that major actors are only now reluctantly accepting: wars fought with ambiguous objectives and open-ended commitments ultimately end in exhaustion, not triumph.

To consider this does not elide the moral complexities of the conflict. Ukraine had every justification for its resistance against Russia’s imposition of its geopolitical vision by force of arms. Yet, both nations have endured heavy costs. 

To be clear, Kazakhstan was never in a position to dictate the terms of a settlement. Its influence was inherently limited. There was little reason to believe that Moscow would have entertained peace proposals from a neighboring post-Soviet nation in 2022. Yet, the significance of Tokayev’s stance lies not in direct leverage but in the alternative path he articulated.

European unity on the question, though resilient, has faced economic strain. Energy markets have suffered volatility, and defense expenditures have surged beyond pre-war projections. The cohesion of the Western alliance, though still intact, faces increasing pressures from political transitions, economic challenges, and shifting strategic priorities. Specifically, President Trump’s new appointees to policymaking positions in the Defense Department have long argued that America’s strategic focus must change.

Those appointees insist that this focus must go beyond the war in Ukraine to take into account the long-term competition with China and the maintenance of global stability. The fact that Trump and Putin are now engaging in direct discussions—likely without European leaders playing a central role—reflects a shifting geopolitical reality. 

Moving forward, there are lessons to draw from Kazakhstan’s approach. The first is that smaller yet strategically positioned nations like Kazakhstan should be taken more seriously in conflict resolution efforts. The assumption that their diplomatic initiatives are secondary to Western grand strategy may need to be re-examined. Second, policymakers must reconsider when diplomacy becomes politically viable.

In this altered environment, Kazakhstan’s argument about the inevitably of diplomacy is proven correct. That is not to argue that Kazakhstan’s position was flawless, or that the country had the power to unilaterally alter the course of the war. Rather, it means that the rest of the world has finally arrived at the negotiations that Tokayev had recognized as necessary years ago.

An Uzbek Woman Suffers Terribly, Then Starts Over

The lakes, mountains and brisk air of Uzbekistan’s Bustanlik district lie just a few dozen kilometers from the urban sprawl of Tashkent, and tourists as well as conference delegates retreat there for a break or to learn and exchange ideas. Sometimes, people attending a hotel conference barely get outside to absorb the beauty of the surrounding national parks. That’s what happened to me, a reporter for The Times of Central Asia. But then, I found some inspiration within the hotel’s bland walls.

I was attending a training course on data journalism for a few days in Bustanlik. During dinner, hotel employees mentioned that Dilorom Yuldasheva, an Uzbek woman internationally acclaimed for her resolve and accomplishment after a catastrophic injury, was also staying there after appearing at an event in Tashkent. Soon after, around 50-60 people in the hotel restaurant applauded as a bouquet was handed to Yuldasheva. It seemed that the hotel administration had arranged the small celebration because most guests weren’t aware that she was there.

I approached her table, introducing myself and asking if she’d be willing to talk. She smiled and agreed. Yuldasheva wore light makeup and spoke softly. At the start of our conversation, I mentioned that I already knew her from media coverage. Then I asked if she could share something she had never told anyone before.

“There’s nothing left untold,” she said. “But if you’d like, I can tell you the same stories again, just for you.”

—–

The BBC released a list of 100 influential and inspiring women for 2024, highlighting women who “have had to dig deep and find new levels of resilience” while facing violence and humanitarian crises in Gaza, Lebanon, Ukraine and Sudan, as well as polarization surrounding a record number of international elections, and the growing challenges of climate change. On the list are stranded astronaut Sunita Williams, rape survivor Gisèle Pelicot, actress Sharon Stone, Olympic athletes Rebeca Andrade and Allyson Felix, singer Raye, Nobel Peace Prize laureate Nadia Murad, visual artist Tracey Emin, climate campaigner Adenike Oladosu and writer Cristina Rivera Garza.

Also on that list is Yuldasheva, a 41-year-old seamstress and entrepreneur from Denov, in Uzbekistan’s Surkhandarya region. The village where she lives is mainly engaged in livestock raising, crop farming, and gardening.

In 2021, while helping with the grain harvest, she lost both her legs in an accident. That day, she had been wearing a long robe to protect herself from the sun, a common style of dress among rural women, many of whom consider it shameful for them to wear trousers. As she worked near a combine harvester, the fabric got caught in the machine’s moving parts, pulling her in. She struggled frantically, and in vain, to escape.

“I didn’t even have time to scream, and when I opened my eyes, I was sitting on the combine harvester, but this didn’t last long. The combine harvester blade spun and threw me several meters away,” she said.

In August 2022, Yuldasheva was fitted with prosthetic legs after she and her relatives saved up about 67 million sums, the equivalent of about $5,000. An elderly couple in her neighborhood offered to give her their Hajj savings, in a year when the trip cost nearly USD5,000 per person. But she couldn’t accept. She knew how long they had waited for that Islamic pilgrimage to the holy city of Mecca, Saudi Arabia.

Yuldasheva, who has a daughter and two sons, fought off despair and focused on something she had always wanted to do — help young women gain skills and financial independence.

That goal led her to open her own sewing business last year.

The Uzbek government got involved, seeing her as an example of determination to people with disabilities and others and as a way to encourage people to engage in entrepreneurship. A film titled “Matonat” (Resilience in Uzbek) was made about her story with support from the Ministry of Justice, various non-governmental organizations, and sponsors.

Dilorom Yuldasheva, who became an entrepreneur after losing her legs in a farming accident, was included on the BBC’s list of inspiring, influential women for 2024. Photo: TCA, Sadokat Jalolova

As a child, Yuldasheva wanted to become a seamstress. When teachers asked about her plans, she always gave the same answer. As the eldest of four siblings, she learned sewing at school and from women in her makhalla, or neighborhood. She had hoped to study at Tashkent’s “Mashhura” training center, which teaches trades to young women. But her plans were thrown into disarray after her father, an electrician, died in 2002 from an electric shock while he was working with faulty wiring in a column.

Born and raised in the village of Oltinsoy, another village in Surkhandarya, Yuldasheva married in 2004 and moved to Denov, where life wasn’t easy.

“In the makhalla where I became a bride, women mostly worked in the fields under harsh conditions,” she recalled. “I don’t want rural women to struggle in the heat. Even if they don’t work in offices like city women, they should at least have jobs in comfortable places. I think sewing and textiles are much better suited for them than field labor.”

Yuldasheva had received offers of help in starting a sewing business after her accident. She hesitated. She lived in a shared home with a brother-in-law and his family and worried the noise of sewing machines would disturb others. Eventually, she took the leap. “So far, I’ve provided work for 15 women, but my goal is to increase that number to 40,” Yuldasheva said. “I received four sewing machines from the “Ayol va Zamon” training center NGO, one on a subsidy, and two more on my own.”

Her employees, who range in age from 15 to 45, mainly sew school uniforms, work clothes, and bedding for kindergartens. The biggest source of income comes from bridal dresses.

Despite the success of the business, the entrepreneur has had more personal doubts. At one point, she told her husband, Dilmurod Pardayev, that he should remarry because she thought her disability made her a burden. “A brave man doesn’t do that,” she recalled her husband saying. “This made me love him even more,” Yuldasheva said. Currently, her family lives with one brother-in-law, whose wife helps Yuldasheva with housework.

—–

Living in a small village, Yuldasheva had never imagined the recognition she would get after being named in the BBC list. After the announcement, her phone was flooded with congratulatory calls, and television reporters showed up at her house.

In December 2024, she was awarded the order of “Mardlik” (Courage) by President Shavkat Mirziyoyev, becoming the first woman to receive an honor usually reserved for military personnel. She briefly spoke to the president on Zoom.

“The day I went to receive the order, asphalt workers were sent to the street in our makhalla. Within 3 days, asphalt was laid on our street,” Yuldasheva said. She was pleased to see children playing in a street that was now free of dust in the summer and mud in the winter.

The street, which had been difficult to navigate for many years, was paved after Yuldasheva came to the attention of the president.

—–

Despite Uzbek government support and recognition from the BBC list last year, Yuldasheva said she had faced immense difficulties after her accident in the fields. She registered to get an electric chair by waiting in line at the makhalla office with a medical certificate. The process was slow. Local officials brought a wheelchair to her home and photographed her for the paperwork, but they took the chair back several months later, saying there was a mixup and it was actually meant for someone else.

“In that moment, I felt like I had lost my legs for the second time,” she said.

Electric wheelchairs are especially preferable in rural areas because more basic wheelchairs require manual steering, which means hands quickly get covered in mud, according to Yuldasheva.

—–

The seamstress has a strict work ethic: “No matter how I feel, I always finish what I start. Even if I’m hungry, I’ll complete a dress before I eat.”

When Yuldasheva suffered her injury, her eldest child was in seventh grade (14-15 years), her daughter in fourth (10-11 years), and her youngest in first grade (7-8 years). “They would come home from school crying,” she recalled. “I wanted to be a mother they could be proud of.”

At one point, Uzbekistan’s Paralympic Committee invited her to join a volleyball team and offered to cover all expenses. The training in Nukus, Karakalpakstan would take two years. But her family advised her against it, prioritizing her health and the well-being of her children.

“Thanks to sewing, I’m financially independent. I don’t even ask my husband for money,” said Yuldasheva, whose business brings in a monthly income of around 60 million sums, or between USD4,000 and USD5,000. That amount accounts for expenses such as fabric and decoration.

Now, she’s thinking about new ventures. A businesswoman from the city of Jizzakh recently introduced her to floriculture, and she plans to try her hand at growing flowers in the spring. Meanwhile, her eldest son is interested in livestock, and she said she fully supports his passion.

“We might start a small farm together.”

—–

Even as Yuldasheva remembered the most painful moments of her life, her tone never wavered during our late-night discussion. She was open with the media, agreeing to talk without hesitation. When a hotel employee asked if she was willing to share feedback, she immediately said yes. She was comfortable in the spotlight. But I also concluded that this was a collective story, not just about one person’s perseverance. The people of Surkhandarya rallied around her – neighbors offering their Hajj savings, relatives pooling money for her prosthetics, her brother-in-law’s wife helping with household tasks. She wasn’t alone.

Trump 2.0: Security Implications for Central Asia – Diplomats and Analysts Weigh the Risks for Regional Stability

Narxoz University’s Eurasian Institute for Economic and Legal Research and the School of Economics and Management convened distinguished diplomats, military analysts, and academics from the Conference on Interaction and Confidence Building Measures in Asia (CICA), The National Institute for Defense Studies (Japan),  George Mason University (US), and Maqsut Narikbayev University (Kazakhstan) to analyze the geopolitical and security implications of a second Donald Trump presidency in Central Asia.

Professor Ikboljon Qoraboyev, Director of the Center for Global and Regional Governance at Maqsut Narikbayev University, argued that Trump’s pragmatism will drive him to exploit every available opportunity to advance the financial and political interests of himself, his loyal corporate allies, and the United States. This approach, characterized by a “nothing-personal-just-business” mindset, makes his actions inherently unpredictable, keeping both allies and rivals on edge. Trump thrives on calculated ambiguity, using surprise as a strategic tool to gain the upper hand in negotiations and exert maximum pressure on his counterparts.

Image: Daniyar Kosnazarov

Professor Erzhan Issabayev, Deputy Director of the Eurasian Institute for Economic and Legal Research at Narxoz University, agreed that this unpredictability could shape a second Trump presidency, particularly in terms of global power dynamics. In Central Asia, where political stability and a carefully maintained multi-vector foreign policy are crucial, Trump’s erratic decision-making presents a significant challenge for regional leaders. Professor Issabayev suggested that if Trump escalates efforts to counter China globally or if negotiations to end the war in Ukraine falter, Central Asia could become an unintended yet significant geopolitical battleground.

Building on this perspective, Olzhas Zhorayev, a World Bank Group Consultant and Doctoral Researcher at the Schar School of Policy and Government at George Mason University, examined the potential consequences of deepening U.S.-Russia and U.S.-China confrontations. According to Zhorayev, heightened tensions could push Central Asia further into Moscow’s and Beijing’s political and economic orbit, restricting the region’s strategic flexibility.

However, Zhorayev also presented another possibility; if Russia and Ukraine reach a peace agreement, the Kremlin may redirect its focus and resources toward Central Asia, increasing its influence and reshaping the regional balance of power.

Expanding on this idea, Marek Jochec, Associate Professor of Finance at Narxoz University, explored the varying perceptions of major global powers in Central Asia. Jochec noted that attitudes toward China and Russia are shaped by a combination of historical experiences, economic ties, and political considerations. While Chinese investment is often viewed as a driver of infrastructure and economic growth, concerns over dependency and influence persist. Russian engagement, deeply rooted in historical and cultural connections, continues to play a significant role, though perceptions vary across different countries. These contrasting views add layers of complexity to the region’s geopolitical positioning, making strategic decision-making increasingly delicate.

Ultimately, the expert discussion at Narxoz University highlighted that Trump’s leadership — whether defined by unpredictability, pragmatism, or strategic maneuvering — will have a significant impact on Central Asia. As the region faces shifting geopolitical pressures, governments will need to adapt quickly, reassessing their alliances and economic strategies to maintain stability in an increasingly uncertain global environment.

As global power dynamics evolve, the expert forum, “Trump 2.0: Security Implications for Asia,” examined how Trump’s leadership style, policy priorities, and foreign relations strategy could shape the region’s security landscape and strategic alliances.

According to Narxoz University President Kanat Kozhakhmet, Donald Trump operates like the CEO of the United States, prioritizing direct negotiations and swift, unilateral decision-making. Unlike traditional Western politicians who navigate bureaucratic complexities and seek broader consensus, Trump approaches international diplomacy through a transactional lens, treating it as a high-stakes business environment where leverage, pressure, and unpredictability are central to securing favorable deals. Trump’s willingness to bypass diplomatic norms and impose his vision reflects his belief that deal-making is the most effective tool of leadership.

Trump-Putin Deal Talks: Central Asia at the Nexus of Global Power Shifts

The reported discussions this week between Donald Trump and Vladimir Putin have become a central focus for global media and analysts. However, for Central Asia, the most pressing question is not when the war in Ukraine will end—an outcome that could occur as unexpectedly as the contact between U.S. and Russian leaders—but what Russia’s next move will be. The future actions of Moscow remain a primary concern for the five Central Asian countries.

On February 12, Donald Trump announced via his social network, Truth Social, that he had a lengthy phone conversation with Vladimir Putin. His main message was that both leaders had agreed on the need to end the war and would take immediate action. The day before, Trump told reporters at the White House that members of his negotiating team and Putin’s representatives would meet in Munich.

Despite skepticism from many analysts who anticipated a longer negotiation process, talks are already scheduled to begin on Valentine’s Day.

In the same post, Trump revealed the composition of his negotiating team:

“I have asked Secretary of State Marco Rubio, CIA Director John Ratcliffe, National Security Advisor Michael Waltz, and Ambassador and Special Representative Steve Witkoff to lead the negotiations.”

Although the details of Trump’s proposed peace plan remain under discussion, a rough outline has emerged from various sources which involve:

  • A freeze in fighting along the current front line.
  • The establishment of a demilitarized zone spanning the entire 1,300-kilometer front.
  • Deployment of a European military contingent, including UK troops, to patrol the demilitarized zone (U.S. troops will not be involved, but may provide training and logistical support).
  • A 20-year postponement of Ukraine’s NATO membership bid in exchange for continued Western arms supplies.
  • Recognition of Russian sovereignty over occupied territories.
  • Security guarantees for Ukraine from European countries.
  • A possible EU membership pathway for Ukraine by 2030.
  • A 10-year reconstruction plan for Ukraine, funded by European countries and Russian contributions.
  • A gradual lifting of sanctions on Russia’s energy sector over several years.
  • Reimbursement of U.S. military aid to Ukraine through Ukrainian natural resource revenues.
  • Presidential and parliamentary elections in Ukraine in 2025, especially if a settlement is reached between Kyiv and Moscow.

If Russia accepts these terms, they are likely to be included in the final draft of the agreement. Notably, Trump’s plan takes Moscow’s interests into account, though some points were reportedly rejected during the February 12 call. The depth of the proposal suggests that Trump’s team and Putin’s representatives have been in contact for some time, well before Trump’s formal inauguration as U.S. president.

Trump first hinted at such talks in March 2023,  when he claimed he could resolve the Russia-Ukraine conflict within 24 hours of taking office. At the time, many dismissed this as election rhetoric. However, recent events suggest that he is following through on his promises. A striking example is the release of Mark Vogel, an American sentenced in Russia to 14 years in prison for marijuana possession. His return to the U.S. was part of a broader “grand bargain” on Ukraine.

“Promises made, promises kept. President Trump promised the Vogel family that he would bring Mark home. After three and a half years in Russian custody, Mark is finally free,” said U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio.

Meanwhile, Kazakh President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev had previously given increasingly direct signals about what may happen in the second half of 2024.

During a meeting with German Chancellor Olaf Scholz last September, Tokayev spoke about the Ukraine conflict at Scholz’s request: “It is a fact that Russia is militarily invincible. Further escalation will lead to irreparable consequences for all of humanity and, above all, for the countries directly involved in the conflict. A good opportunity for a truce was lost with the rejection of the Istanbul Agreement, but peace is still possible.”

A month later, at the Astana Think Tank Forum, Tokayev reinforced this stance: “As I said during my talks with Chancellor Scholz, Russia is militarily invincible. Its military potential, public support for President Putin, and historical precedent confirm this. We must seek a peaceful resolution and support all realistic proposals, including those from China and Brazil.”

Given Tokayev’s ties to Russian diplomats, it is likely that by mid-2024, he had already learned about preparations for a settlement in Ukraine, which could explain his repeated calls for caution.

Kazakhstan’s diplomatic signals became even clearer in November 2024 when it hosted Putin for a high-profile state visit. Earlier that month, Tokayev met with Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov to discuss the agenda.

A report cited by the Financial Times, allegedly presented at a strategic session led by Russian Prime Minister Mikhail Mishustin in April 2024, suggests that Moscow plans to create a Eurasian trade bloc to compete with the U.S., EU, and China.

Regarding Central Asia, the report warns that Russia must “play the long game” to maintain its influence. It notes that regional governments have been shifting away from Moscow’s orbit by increasing integration into the Organization of Turkic States; promoting English as a second language over Russian, adopting Western education systems, and sending elites to study abroad.

The report concludes that Central Asia will ultimately have to “decide on its position vis-à-vis Russia.”

This analysis implies that by early 2024, Moscow’s leadership had some confidence that the Ukraine war could soon end. If Trump and Putin’s teams had already reached a basic understanding by spring, it would explain Russia’s heightened focus on securing its influence in Central Asia.

As part of this strategy, during 2024 Russia took steps to strengthen its ties with Kazakhstan, a key regional gateway. Tokayev’s decision to attend Moscow’s May 9 Victory Day Parade further aligned Astana with the Kremlin’s vision. The parade’s guest list was noteworthy: it included all five Central Asian leaders, and Chinese President Xi Jinping.

Central Asia may soon find itself at the very heart of a new geopolitical order.

Caspian Sea Near Aktau Turns Blood Red, Alarming Residents

The coastline of the Caspian Sea near Aktau’s 1st micro-district and the village of Akshukur has turned an unusual red hue, sparking concern among local residents.

Eyewitnesses quickly took to social media, sharing photos and videos while speculating about possible causes. However, experts say there is no cause for alarm.

According to Kirill Osin, head of the NGO Eco Mangistau, the change in water color is a seasonal phenomenon linked to a mass bloom of diatom algae, which can be triggered by sudden temperature fluctuations. He added that this process does not pose a threat to the region’s ecology or marine life.

Despite these reassurances, the Department of Ecology of the Mangistau Region has initiated water sampling to analyze chemical and oil product content. “The research will help confirm that the changes in water coloration are caused by natural processes,” the department stated, promising to release the test results soon.

Algae blooms in the Caspian Sea are a recurring phenomenon. Similar cases were recorded:

  • 2020 – Near the embankment of Primorsky settlement.
  • 2017 – In the 9A microdistrict area.
  • 2018 – From the Shagala Hotel to the Nur Plaza beach.

Earlier this year, residents of Kazakhstan witnessed another unusual sight when “ice flowers” formed on the Kapshagai Reservoir in the Almaty region. These delicate formations, resembling snow-white petals with pointed edges, appear under specific weather conditions on a thin layer of ice.