photo: Kazakh Ministry of Transport

A Welcome Expansion of Kazakhstan’s Invataxi Fleet

On 28 May, Kazakhstan Transport Minister Marat Karabaev and Astana’s Mayor Zhenis Kasymbek attended a demonstration of advantages afforded to citizens with special physical needs and impaired mobility by vehicles adapted to serve their needs.

Back in 2008, the Saby Charitable Foundation provided 16 Kazakh cities with a fleet of 62 Invataxis. Equipped with wheelchair-friendly hydraulic lifts, the specially adapted minivans have long facilitated travel for adults and children, opened up opportunities for work and study,  and contributed towards their social integration.

Since then, the Ministry of Transport in collaboration with local executive bodies,  has continued to expand the fleet across Kazakhstan and this year alone, the number of Invataxis operating in the capital has risen by 26 to 145.

A total of 119 Invataxi services with the combined fleet of 760 vehicles currently operate in the country’s regions.

 

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Bishkek Unrest; image: TCA, Aleksandr Potolitsyn

Signs of Racism in Central Asia

By Bruce Pannier

 

Incidents in May showed two Central Asian countries – Kyrgyzstan and Turkmenistan – are afflicted by racism that is tacitly or explicitly supported by their governments.

Overnight on May 17-18, hundreds of young Kyrgyz men gathered in eastern Bishkek near a dormitory used by foreign students. The Kyrgyz men were angered by a video posted on popular Kyrgyz social media sites on the morning of May 17 that showed a fight in Bishkek on May 13 between a small group of Kyrgyz and foreigners.

The foreigners in the fight on May 13 turned out to all be Egyptians, and they were all detained. However, some social media posts claimed at least some of the foreigners involved in the fight were Pakistanis.

Many people from Bangladesh, India, and Pakistan come to Kyrgyzstan to study at universities, particularly at medical colleges. More than 90% of foreign students at Kyrgyz universities are from India and Pakistan.

A smaller number, in the low thousands, are working there illegally.

In March, Kyrgyz authorities launched a campaign to find and deport illegal migrant laborers some 1,500 Pakistanis and 1,000 Bangladeshis have been caught.

There have been isolated incidents when Kyrgyz were involved in physical altercations with South Asians in recent years, but nothing on scale of what happened in May 17-18.

Besides bursting into the dormitory and assaulting foreign students, a group of some 60-70 Kyrgyz men broke into a sewing factory in Bishkek early morning May 18 and attacked foreign workers, who mostly from Bangladesh, India, and Pakistan.

At least 41 people were injured, most of them South Asians.

Pakistan in particular reacted, summoning the Kyrgyz Charge d’Affaires in Islamabad while a group of Pakistanis protested outside the Kyrgyz Embassy. Pakistani authorities also sent charter flights to Kyrgyzstan that brought back more than 1,000 Pakistani citizens.

Kyrgyz authorities criticized the police for failing to calm the situation before it went out of control and later 10 policemen were sacked. Deputy Cabinet Chairman Edil Baisalov went to the dormitory to meet with some of the foreign students and apologize for the harm done to them “by a bunch of hooligans.”

The top two people in the government – President Sadyr Japarov and head of security service Kamchybek Tashiyev – were more equivocal in their comments on the violence.

Since coming to power in late 2020, Japarov and his longtime friend Tashiyev have promoted nationalist policies. Their emphasis on respecting Kyrgyz traditions and customs has gained them significant popularity in Kyrgyzstan.

They need such support in a country that has had three revolutions since 2005, including the October 2020 revolution that resulted in them occupying their current positions.

Young Kyrgyz men, like the hundreds who gathered on the evening of May 17, are an important pillar of support for Japarov and Tashiyev.

President Japarov vaguely blamed “forces interested in aggravating the situation,” and added, “The demands of our patriotic youth to stop the illegal migration of foreign citizens and take tough measures against those who allow such activities are certainly correct.”

Tashiyev remarked the “main demands” of the hundreds of Kyrgyz men who were on the streets on May 17-18 “concerned an increase in the number of foreigners working in our country, an increase in the number of students and workers from Bangladesh, Pakistan, India, Egypt and other countries.”

Tashiyev said, “I believe that the demands of the guys who gathered yesterday are, to some extent, correct.”

In Turkmenistan discrimination is clearly part of state policy.

Uch arka,” the practice of checking an individual’s background going back three generations has been enforced since 2000.

This genealogical requirement certifies that individuals’ previous three generations of relatives (parents, grandparents, and great-grandparents) who have not committed any serious crimes. The policy also helps separate ethnic Turkmen from other people living in Turkmenistan.

It is nearly impossible to find a position in a government organization for people who are not ethnic Turkmen.

School children are required to submit uch arka forms when they enroll.

In May 2024, at the graduation ceremony for students in the western city of Balkanabad, school authorities segregated non-Turkmen students out of the group that accepted diplomas in front of the city’s central library.

When the president visits towns and cities, the schoolchildren paraded out to meet him are usually chosen because they meet the uch arka requirements.

It is not only schools.

Balkanabad is the provincial capital of the Balkan Province. Earlier in May, all employees of the Balkan provincial medical facilities had their uch arka credentials checked.

This appears to have also targeted ethnic Turkmen whose recent ancestors may have committed some crime. That would be sufficient grounds for dismissal, but it also ensures ethnic Turkmen occupy the top spots in the medical field.

Kyrgyzstan had long been considered the most democratic of the five Central Asian countries, though that is changing under President Japarov, and Turkmenistan the most repressive. Their brands of ethno-nationalism are a dangerous sign for countries with increasingly authoritarian governments and decreasing possibilities for employment or improvement in the socioeconomic situation of their people.

 

Bruce Pannier is a Central Asia Fellow in the Eurasia Program at the Foreign Policy Research Institute, the advisory board at the Caspian Policy Center, and a longtime journalist and correspondent covering Central Asia. He currently appears regularly on the Majlis podcast for RFE/RL.

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photo: Kazakh Ministry of Transport

International Flights from Kazakhstan on the Rise

As reported by Kazakhstan’s Ministry of Transport, the country currently operates 567 international flights per week to 28 countries.

The greatest number of flights are destined for Russia with 139 taking off each week to Moscow, St. Petersburg, Yekaterinburg, Mineralnye Vody, Kazan, Sochi, Krasnoyarsk, Novosibirsk, Makhachkala, and Grozny.

Turkey is also a popular destination, with 125 flights per week to Istanbul, Ankara, and Antalya.

The United Arab Emirates receives 58 flights per week in Dubai, Abu Dhabi, and Sharjah.

China has 43 flights per week to Beijing, Urumqi, Xi’an, Hangzhou, and Sanya.

Kazakhstan plans to significantly increase the number of flights to Vietnam, Thailand, Egypt, and Georgia this year.

 

 

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Motor fuel

Kazakhstan Motoring Towards to Fuel Self-Sufficiency

Speaking at a government meeting on May 28, Kazakhstan Energy Minister Almasadam Satkaliev announced a significant rise in the country’s supplies of fuel, raising the potential for its future export.

During the first quarter of the year, oil refined in Kazakhstan amounted to 5.9 million tons; an increase of 5.4% compared to spring 2023. Production of fuel amounted to 4.28 million tons.

To date, reserves of diesel fuel at refineries and oil depots have increased to 612 thousand tons, 38 days’ worth; AI-92 gasoline, to 352 thousand tons, 30 days’ worth, and AI-95 gasoline, to 86 thousand tons, 30 days’ worth.

The depth of oil refining and consequently, the production of light oil products (gasoline) has increased from 85% to 87%.

Kazakhstan plans to increase the production of motor fuel by expanding production at the Shymkent oil refinery from 6 to 12 million tons by 2030, at the Atyrau Oil Refinery from 5.5 to 6.7 million tons by 2027, and at the Pavlodar Petrochemical Plant from 5.5 to 8 million tons by 2030.

According to the minister, the implementation of the above will not only satisfy the domestic market’s growing demands for fuel but also, allow its export to neighbouring countries.

 

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photo: primeminister.kz

Kazakhstan’s Reservoirs Brimming with 12 billion Cubic Meters of Water

As a result of unprecedented high levels of rainfall this spring, over 12 billion cubic meters of water has collected in Kazakhstan’s reservoirs, 2.5-fold more than last year.

In an announcement on 28 May, Minister of Water Resources, and Irrigation Nurzhan Nurzhigitov said that water accumulated through channelling flood water to estuaries, lakes and reservoirs which have experienced water shortages in previous years, will greatly benefit irrigation, and in turn, the economy.

Looking ahead, Nurzhigitov stated that the ministry is to develop a long-term strategy for flood water management and reducing the consequences of droughts. Plans include the development of an electronic map of the movement of flood waters to indicate populated areas most at risk, and a unified system for accounting, monitoring, and forecasting water resources.

The announcement follows a previous report that since the beginning of the year, the water level in Kazakhstan’s largest lake, Balkhash, fed by the transboundary Ili River that originates in China, has risen by 23 cm.

 

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The Geography of Labor: Where Do Central Asian Migrants Travel To?

Since February 2022, international observers have been predicting changes in labor migration in Central Asia. It is no secret that for 30 years Russia was the main attraction for labor resources in the region, and in the “noughties,” Kazakhstan joined as a viable alternative. Over the past two years, the geography of labor migration from Central Asia has expanded somewhat, but still not to the extent that one could say that the region is slipping away from Moscow’s economic influence.

In Russia itself, despite growing anti-migrant sentiment after the terrorist attack at the Crocus City concert hall, the country’s leadership has no intention of refusing to accept migrants from Central Asia. The current phase of Russia’s economic development requires a constant inflow of labor resources, so Moscow is even talking about expanding the geography of sources of labor on an industrial scale, particularly to African countries.

However, the movement of labor resources from Central Asia to the outside world is a process that benefits both the countries of origin of migrants and those who receive them. The region’s countries shed their excess population, thus avoiding possible social explosions, while the receiving countries get workers willing to do low-paid and low-skilled labor. This is true for three of the five Central Asian countries. We do not consider Turkmenistan — a republic closed to the outside world — but labor migration from Kazakhstan is more like a “brain drain,” which puts it on a par with Russia, which is experiencing similar problems.

In the Central Asian republics, the topic of labor migration is still victimized, and the pejorative term “gastarbeiters” remains in common use. Thus, research on these processes is not permanent, which makes it difficult to work with statistical data. And since the largest receiving country is Russia, where chaos reigns regarding labor migration, we can only operate with approximate data.

Uzbekistan

Let us start with Uzbekistan, the most populous republic in Central Asia. Uzbekistan does not have the same opportunities as Kazakhstan with mineral resources, primarily oil. In Uzbekistan, the rate of labor migration abroad remains the fastest; only the pandemic has been able to affect it. Before the pandemic, in 2019, according to official data, more than 2.5 million Uzbek citizens were listed as labor migrants. In 2021, this number dropped to 1.67 million people, but now, the number of those who left for work has recovered.

The main labor migration flows come from Russia – 71%, Kazakhstan – 12%, South Korea – 4% and Turkey – 3%.

In the first quarter of 2024, cross-border remittances to Uzbekistan increased from $2.3 billion to $2.5 billion. Russia’s share dropped to 68% (78-87% in previous years).

Kyrgyzstan

Russia, Turkey, and Kazakhstan are also the main destinations for migrants from Kyrgyzstan. South Korea and the UK have been added to the list recently.

According to open-source data, in 2022, 1.2 million labor migrants from Kyrgyzstan were registered in Russia, with about 30,000 in Turkey and Kazakhstan.

In Kyrgyzstan, labor migration has become important in maintaining economic and social stability. According to official data, labor migrants transferred $518 million to Kyrgyzstan in the first quarter of 2022 alone. Almost 97% of remittances to the republic are from Russia.

Tajikistan

In 2023, 652,014 people left Tajikistan to work abroad, according to the Ministry of Labor, Migration and Employment.

Of the total number of people who went abroad, 627,028 were from Russia, 18,418 from Kazakhstan, and 6,568 from other states.

According to various estimates, there may be more than 1.5 million Tajikistani workers in Russia. The volume of remittances to Tajikistan approached 40% of GDP in 2022, making the republic the world record holder in terms of dependence on them.

Kazakhstan

In the mid-2000s, more than one million people came to Kazakhstan as labor migrants annually and were estimated to account for 10 to 12% of the country’s gross domestic product (GDP).

The process took a rather quick and orderly form. In 2006, an amnesty law was passed, granting three-year legal status to migrants who had arrived in the country before June of that year. By the end of 2006, 165,000 irregular labor migrants had been legalized, a unique case in CIS practice. In 2013, Kazakhstan amended several laws related to the employment of domestic workers, which again allowed the legalization of a significant portion of previously illegal migrants and, at the same time, increased budget revenues through tax levies on migrants.

Last year, for the first time since 2011, the migration balance was positive for Kazakhstan — more citizens entered the country than left. According to reports from the Bureau of National Statistics, last year the number of migrants moving to Kazakhstan for permanent residence from Central Asian countries increased by 10.4% – from 8,500 to 9,300 people. The trend continued in the first quarter of 2024, up 11.8% to the same period last year.

The last cut showed that 724,500 labor migrants came to Kazakhstan for work in 2020-2023. According to these estimates, 79.7% of them, or 577,400 people, came from Uzbekistan, and 4.2%, or just over 30,000 people, from Tajikistan.

According to Kazakhstan’s Ministry of Labor and Social Protection of Population, in 2023, 194,000 Kazakhs left Kazakhstan for work. 162,000 of them went to work in Russia, and 13,100 in Poland. Six thousand chose South Korea, and 5,000 chose Great Britain.

Demography above all

Thus, Central Asia’s economic dependence on Russia, where surplus labor resources are dumped without any problems, looks insurmountable at the moment. But does this mean that Russia is ready to accept Central Asia as part of its hypothetical empire or USSR-2.0, as Western observers are trying to convince us?

In his Telegram channel, Kazakhstani political scientist Marat Shibutov convincingly showed how such fantasies detached from realities will end.

“Where will it lead to? Russia had a population of 145 million, now 220 million. But it is very important that among 85 million new citizens Slavs will be only 4 million, and Asian people will be 81 million. At once all unemployed residents of Central Asia will gather and on quite legal grounds (they are also citizens of Russia) will go to the big cities of Russia. If now 4 million Asian migrants are moaning in Russia, what will happen if 20 million will come there and they will not be deported anywhere? And 10 million will come to Moscow and the Moscow region,” Shibutov argues.

However, according to political scientists, the main thing is that the balance in the youth environment will change dramatically, which is of direct importance for Russia’s future.

“There are 24 million young people in Russia now, and about 28 million in Central Asia. Population growth will be greatly boosted if the region’s population starts receiving maternity capital and other Russian social benefits. And where will this lead to? To the fact that in a generation our region will make up the bulk of the youth and middle-aged people, and in two generations it will already completely dominate the population structure,” Shibutov adds.

In short, returning to reality, we should emphasize that Central Asia’s demographic balance is favorable. The region will continue to produce labor resources, slowly but steadily changing the political balance in the so-called Greater Eurasia.

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