The Times of Central Asia presents a two-part interview in Washington, D.C. with Eldor Aripov, Director of the Institute for Strategic and Regional Studies under the President of Uzbekistan. Dr. Aripov sat down with our Washington Correspondent, Javier M. Piedra, to discuss Uzbekistan’s strategic thinking regarding its diplomatic posture, regional integration, and relations with Central Asian and global partners.
The conversation includes commentary on “Great Game” geopolitics, U.S.–Uzbekistan relations, trade, the meaning of “Uzbekistan First,” the historically explosive Ferghana Valley, and water management.
Recognizing the link between investment, a stable geopolitical ecosystem, and the need to de-risk potentially conflictive issues, Aripov further sheds light on Tashkent’s practical approach to internal governance and business development.
Central Asia on the Front Lines; image: Defense.info
TCA: “America First” refers to U.S. policies prioritizing national interests, often associated with non-interventionism, nationalism, and protectionist trade. Given Uzbekistan’s pragmatic foreign policy, can we speak of an “Uzbekistan First” policy? It is certainly not isolationist — but how is it manifested on a day-to-day basis?
Aripov: What you describe as “Uzbekistan First” is, in our understanding, fundamentally about prioritizing national interests – stability and predictability for the people of Uzbekistan. Yet Uzbekistan’s uniqueness lies in the fact that our national interests are closely intertwined with those of the entire region – this means shared upsides at the transactional and strategic levels and thinking long-term. We border every Central Asian country as well as Afghanistan, and therefore any issue — security, trade, transport, or water management — directly depends on the quality of our relationships with neighbors.
From his first days in office, President Shavkat Mirziyoyev — with his strategic vision and deep understanding of regional dynamics — declared that regional unity and mutual benefit stand at the core of Uzbekistan’s foreign policy. The essence of his doctrine is to resolve agreeably any historically or materially problematic issues with neighbors, remove barriers to understanding, and create predictable, stable conditions for mutually beneficial cooperation and the free movement of goods, ideas, and people.
That is the true meaning of “Uzbekistan First”: not isolation, but openness, predictability, and regional consolidation.
TCA: How are you realizing “Uzbekistan First” in practice?
Aripov: Uzbekistan is strengthening its economy domestically and global track – putting in place the building blocks for internal sustainable development and accelerating accession to the World Trade Organization. The latter means expanding the geography and composition of exports and increasing the country’s investment attractiveness.
This approach is rooted in the logic of sustainable development within the broader international context: long-term national interests are best served by Uzbekistan integrating into global value chains and markets. The results speak for themselves: in 2024, Uzbekistan’s GDP grew by 6.5%, foreign direct investment increased by more than 50% to reach $11.9 billion, and the target for 2025 is to attract $42 billion. This performance is also a tribute to our style of diplomacy, grounded in respect and having a constructive attitude towards others.
Thus, “Uzbekistan First” represents a modern model of open, dynamic, and diversified growth in which national interests are achieved through cooperation rather than autarky and bullying.
TCA: Many in Central Asia view the United States’ heightened attention to the region as a sign of support that goes beyond rhetoric and small talk. How is this U.S. new engagement manifested? Given that some observers in the West see engagement with Central Asia as part of a larger geopolitical contest, do you expect U.S. interests to materialize tangibly?
Aripov: Neither Uzbekistan nor any country in Central Asia is interested in reviving the logic of the “Great Game.” It runs counter to our interests. Our choice is cooperation, not confrontation; partnership, not rivalry.
Competition exists in the region, but we seek to ensure it remains healthy and conducive to development. What matters most is access to technology, investment, and modern standards of education and governance. These practical needs — not geopolitical maneuvering — explain the growing dynamism of our relations with the United States.
Our engagement with the U.S. is highly practical: human-capital development programs, credit-guarantee instruments, infrastructure modernization, cooperation on energy, water resources, and agricultural technologies.
TCA: What is your response to those who urge Central Asian countries to abandon their balanced, non-ideological diplomacy and take sides in the geopolitical ambitions of others?
Aripov: While I only speak for Uzbekistan, Central Asian states are not guided by ideological or bloc-based considerations. They follow a pragmatic course built on common sense, balance, and diversification. The key principle is pragmatic geoeconomics over ideological geopolitics — the best way to minimize dependency risks and maximize benefits.
The region consistently demonstrates adherence to international norms and commitments, including partnerships with long-standing allies. Attempts to draw Central Asia into confrontational geopolitics lack foundation and are contrary to our way of thinking.
TCA: Given Russia and China’s strategic presence in Central Asia, do these relationships hinder Uzbekistan from deepening its ties with the United States or the European Union?
Aripov: Russia and China are Central Asia’s largest trade and investment partners, accounting for about half of the region’s external trade. They play central roles in transport, energy, and industrial infrastructure.
Western partners fully recognize this reality. “Replacement” is neither feasible nor desired. To be sure, we do not believe in zero-sum engagement.
TCA: What do you mean by zero-sum?
Aripov: Uzbekistan builds its foreign policy not on the logic of “friend or foe” or of “win or lose” but on a “partner-partner” basis – on a win-win attitude. Having said that, we have a three-pillar strategy which includes: diversification of economic and technological partners; non-alignment with military-political blocs; and pragmatic, project-oriented diplomacy grounded in national development interests.
This must be absolutely clear. Such a model strengthens our resilience and strategic autonomy, creating space for deeper and more fruitful engagement with both Eastern and Western partners.
TCA: A recent U.S. readout noted that Presidents Trump and Mirziyoyev announced Uzbekistan’s willingness to invest billions in the United States and in U.S. companies. What concrete steps are being taken to implement this vision?
Aripov: This is not only about Uzbekistan investing in the United States; equally important are American investments in Uzbekistan, new trade deals, access to advanced technologies, integration into global governance standards, and the development of high-tech production capacities inside Uzbekistan.
A clear architecture is being established to implement these agreements and priorities.
An American-Uzbek Business and Investment Council has been created as a new platform to strengthen bilateral trade and investment cooperation. It will be co-chaired by the Head of the Presidential Administration of Uzbekistan and a representative of the U.S. President.
TCA: When will that happen?
Aripov: Starting in 2026, the liberalization of cross-border financial operations will allow Uzbek companies to invest abroad and American companies to operate more freely in Uzbekistan.
Diplomatic and project-coordination capacity is also being enhanced: within Uzbekistan’s Embassy in Washington, a new position of Minister-Counselor representing the Presidential Administration has been established to promote major investment and trade projects.
Institutional support is expanding — EXIM Bank and the U.S. International Development Finance Corporation (DFC) are opening opportunities for large-scale financing.
Meanwhile, the United States is becoming an even bigger market for Uzbek textiles, copper, chemicals, pharmaceuticals, and polymers.
Bilateral cooperation is therefore shifting from political dialogue to a deep technological and industrial partnership. That is good news.
TCA: The 7th Consultative Meeting of Central Asian Heads of State was held in Tashkent on 16 November 2025. How can Uzbekistan and Azerbaijan strengthen their partnership while balancing the expectations of major regional actors?
Aripov: Azerbaijan’s decision to join the Consultative Format of Central Asian Leaders is truly historic. As President Mirziyoyev noted, a new strategic bridge has emerged between Central Asia and the South Caucasus.
This tie-up is of fundamental importance for our region.
The key structural challenge for Central Asia is transport and logistics: being landlocked makes imported goods abnormally expensive, with transport costs exceeding 50% of final prices.
Azerbaijan plays a pivotal role in the Middle Corridor, opening the way for Central Asia to European markets. The more actively we trade, invest, and develop joint infrastructure, the more resilient the entire region becomes.
Particularly important is President Mirziyoyev’s proposal to transform the Consultative Meetings into a Community of Central Asia — a mature, institutionalized structure capable of shaping rules, standards, and long-term development plans. We are confident this is where the region is heading.
