• KGS/USD = 0.01143 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00196 -0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.09790 0.41%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28575 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01143 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00196 -0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.09790 0.41%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28575 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01143 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00196 -0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.09790 0.41%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28575 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01143 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00196 -0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.09790 0.41%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28575 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01143 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00196 -0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.09790 0.41%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28575 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01143 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00196 -0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.09790 0.41%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28575 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01143 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00196 -0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.09790 0.41%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28575 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01143 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00196 -0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.09790 0.41%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28575 0%
25 May 2025

Viewing results 7 - 12 of 214

Breaking Old Ties: Central Asia’s Delicate Dance Between Russia and the West

Central Asian countries are increasingly asserting their independence in foreign policy, distancing themselves from traditional centers of global influence. Recent developments highlight a nuanced balancing act as states in the region navigate growing tensions between Russia and the West. Kyrgyzstan Pushes Back In Kyrgyzstan, the recent arrest of Natalya Sekerina, an employee of the Russian House in Osh, marked a notable assertion of sovereignty. Sekerina was detained under Part 1 of Article 416 of the Criminal Code of the Kyrgyz Republic, which pertains to the recruitment, financing, and training of mercenaries for armed conflict or attempts to overthrow state authority. Earlier, Sergei Lapushkin, an employee of Osh city hall, and two others were also detained in connection with the case.  All suspects were later placed under house arrest. Nevertheless, the arrests are seen by observers as a clear signal that Kyrgyzstan is not simply aligning with Russian policy, despite its economic dependence on Moscow, particularly due to labor migration. The move was reportedly a response to the April 17 detention of over 50 Kyrgyz nationals in a Moscow bathhouse, where Russian security forces allegedly used excessive force. The Kyrgyz Ministry of Foreign Affairs issued a formal note of protest. Russia later stated that the detainees were in the country illegally and some were suspected of links to radical groups.  At the same time, Kyrgyzstan is scrutinizing Western influence as well. In February, U.S. President Donald Trump announced funding cuts and a wind-down of the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID). The announcement triggered debate in Kyrgyzstan, where some voices argued that while USAID had supported civil society, it also fostered instability and economic dependency. Critics claim the agency promoted Western values and helped establish a network of NGOs that played outsized roles in the country’s politics.  Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan Seek Equilibrium In Kazakhstan, USAID also came under fire. Parliamentary Deputy Magherram Magherramov criticized the agency for promoting what he described as values alien to Kazakh society, referencing controversial events such as women’s rights marches and LGBTQ+ parades in Almaty. He called for a formal review of foreign-funded NGOs.  Meanwhile, Uzbekistan witnessed a diplomatic rift during an April visit by Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov to the “Grieving Mother” memorial in Samarkand. Lavrov commented on the absence of a Russian-language inscription, provoking widespread backlash on Uzbek social media. Sherzodkhon Kudratkhodzha, rector of the University of Journalism and Mass Communications, responded sharply: “We are not their colony.” He also cited ongoing discrimination against Uzbek migrants in Russia, which, he argued, has been met with silence from Russian officials.  A More Independent Foreign Policy Central Asian nations are increasingly holding intra-regional and international meetings, often excluding Russia. On April 25, intelligence chiefs from the region gathered in Tashkent to coordinate on regional security threats.  The following day, a meeting of foreign ministers from Central Asia and China took place in Almaty. It was attended by Kazakh Foreign Minister Murat Nurtleu, Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi, and counterparts from Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Uzbekistan, and a...

China and Central Asia Deepen Ties at Almaty Foreign Ministers’ Meeting

The sixth meeting of foreign ministers in the “Central Asia-China” format was held in Almaty, attended by the foreign ministers of Kazakhstan (Murat Nurtleu), China (Wang Yi), Kyrgyzstan (Jeenbek Kulubaev), Tajikistan (Sirojiddin Muhriddin), Uzbekistan (Bakhtiyor Saidov), and a representative of Turkmenistan.  The main topics of discussion included strengthening political dialogue, expanding trade and economic ties, enhancing transport interconnectivity, and jointly countering global challenges. The ministers also addressed sustainable development and environmental security, outlining steps to improve the architecture of multilateral cooperation based on the principles of equality and mutual respect. A key item on the agenda was preparation for the second China-Central Asia Summit scheduled for this year. The foreign ministers engaged in in-depth political coordination and exchanged views on expanding cooperation across various fields. Challenges of Globalization and China's Position Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi expressed concern over growing trends of anti-globalization and protectionism. He criticized the United States for launching a “tariff war” against more than 180 countries, stating that it had undermined international trade rules and the stability of the world economy.  "China will consistently promote a high degree of openness, share opportunities with the world, and take responsibility for upholding international norms," Wang Yi emphasized. China proposed five areas for deepening cooperation with Central Asia: building political trust, promoting trade and investment, improving cooperation mechanisms, jointly celebrating historical anniversaries, and developing humanitarian ties. Positions of the Central Asian Countries The Central Asian foreign ministers highly supported China's proposal to build a "community of common destiny" and expressed intentions to intensify joint efforts under the Belt and Road Initiative. Particular attention was paid to facilitating trade, enhancing transportation connectivity, boosting industrial investment, and promoting agricultural development. The ministers reaffirmed their commitment to combating the "three forces of evil", terrorism, extremism, and separatism and to strengthening cooperation within the United Nations framework. A joint communiqué was adopted following the meeting, reaffirming the parties' commitment to good-neighborliness, sustainable development, and deepening partnership.  Kazakhstan at the Center of Integration Processes Kazakhstan’s Foreign Minister Murat Nurtleu highlighted that the leaders of Central Asian countries had set clear guidelines for cooperation in trade, energy, transport logistics, education, and science.  "In 2024, trade turnover between Central Asia and China reached a record $95 billion, with Kazakhstan accounting for 46% of that total," Nurtleu said. He noted that combining the region’s potential with China’s economic opportunities paves the way for a new architecture of strategic partnership. Plans to launch tourist railway routes between China and Central Asian countries were also discussed, and 2025 was declared the Year of Tourism of Uzbekistan in China. Bilateral Meetings on the Margins of the Event On the sidelines of the forum, Wang Yi held separate meetings with his counterparts from Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, and Uzbekistan.  With Kyrgyz Foreign Minister Jeenbek Kulubaev, Wang discussed expanding practical cooperation and accelerating the China-Kyrgyzstan-Uzbekistan railway project. Talks with Tajik Foreign Minister Sirojiddin Muhriddin focused on strengthening strategic partnership and promoting initiatives within the Belt and Road framework. With Uzbek Foreign Minister Bakhtiyor Saidov,...

Leonid Slutsky: Scandals, Nationalism, and the Migrant Blame Game

The leader of Russia’s Liberal Democratic Party (LDPR), Leonid Slutsky has long been a figure surrounded by controversy. A hardline nationalist, Slutsky’s career has been marked by allegations of corruption and harassment. Recently, his intensified rhetoric against labor migrants – including proposed restrictions on labor migrants bringing their families into the country, a requirement for foreign workers to learn Russian, and attacks on the former head of the Uzbek National and Cultural Autonomy Council in Moscow - have further spotlighted his controversial political career. “Our people... should not suffer from boors and criminals who consider themselves masters here, gather in packs and attack people,” Slutsky stated regarding migrant workers. “If you want to make money in Russia, learn Russian, and respect our laws and traditions. In any other case, go home. We will not experiment on ourselves or our children. Our great country must be respected.” This shift to the far-right aligns with a broader nationalist trend in Russia and raises questions about Slutsky’s intentions and the potential impact on the country and those working there. Slutsky’s Scandal-Ridden Career Slutsky's political reputation has been marred by allegations of sexual harassment that surfaced in 2018, with multiple female journalists accusing him of inappropriate conduct, including a BBC correspondent whom he reportedly touched inappropriately and whom he was recorded calling a “bunny”. Despite public disquiet, a State Duma ethics panel dismissed the complaints, leading to a media boycott but no political repercussions. This episode, as well as reports of hidden assets and extravagant wealth, including luxury properties and cars, point to a broader culture of impunity within the Russian political elite. Investigations have revealed that Slutsky's family enjoys a lavish lifestyle, including stays at a luxury Turkish villa, private jet travel, and an elite education for his children in Switzerland, despite his declared income in 2020 of $77,000. Additionally, reports link him to high-end vehicles such as Bentleys and a Mercedes-Maybach, often financed through questionable means. To paraphrase a piece by David Szakonyi in the American Political Science Review, in Russia, corrupt politicians work less but support the regime more. A member of the State Duma since 1999, Slutsky succeeded Vladimir Zhirinovsky as head of the LDPR in 2022. Under his leadership, the party has increasingly leaned on ultranationalist rhetoric and populist measures that appeal to disillusioned voters during times of economic strain. His recent attacks on labor migrants echo this strategy. Weaponizing Anti-Migrant Sentiment Slutsky’s outspoken criticism of labor migrants fits into a growing narrative in Russia that blames foreign workers for economic and social problems. Migrants, particularly those from Central Asia and the Caucasus, have been routinely scapegoated in nationalist circles, accused of taking jobs, disrupting social harmony, and contributing to crime. While there is little evidence to support many of these claims, Slutsky is capitalizing on prevailing anxieties as a means to rally support for his party. By portraying himself and the LDPR as defenders of a nostalgia-fueled Russian identity, he hopes to appeal to conservative voters who view...

Turkmenistan Steps into the Spotlight with Regional Diplomacy and Economic Reforms

Long known for its isolationist policies, Turkmenistan is gradually opening up to the international community through significant economic and diplomatic initiatives. Recent efforts include diversifying its natural gas exports, engaging in regional infrastructure projects such as the TAPI gas pipeline, and expanding trade partnerships. Additionally, the government has taken steps toward modernization and economic reforms to attract foreign investment, signaling a shift towards enhanced regional cooperation and global integration. This week, these initiatives gathered pace, as Chairman of the Halk Maslahaty of Turkmenistan, Gurbanguly Berdimuhamedov, continued his diplomatic tour of Central Asia with official visits to Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan. Berdimuhamedov's meetings focused on strengthening strategic partnerships, expanding trade and economic cooperation, and deepening cultural dialogue. Visit to Kazakhstan: Cultural Diplomacy and Strategic Cooperation On April 21, Berdimuhamedov arrived in the city of Turkestan, where he was welcomed by Kazakh President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev. The leaders held an informal meeting and visited key cultural and infrastructure sites, including the mausoleum of Khoja Ahmed Yassawi, a UNESCO World Heritage Site considered a spiritual center of the Turkic world. The tour also included the “Ethnoaul” ethnographic complex, the Turkistan Visit Centre, and an inspection of ongoing archaeological and restoration work at the ancient settlement of Kultobe. At the SPK Turkistan industrial park, they reviewed six investment projects worth a total of 36.5 billion tenge, encompassing production from tractors to medical equipment, with future expansion plans involving 112 facilities​. During the meeting, Tokayev highlighted growing bilateral ties and discussed joint initiatives in energy, transport, and digitalization. Tokayev reaffirmed Kazakhstan’s interest in participating in the development of Turkmenistan’s Galkynysh gas field and regional infrastructure projects, including the Turgundi-Herat-Kandahar-Spin Buldak railway and various transit highways connecting the two nations. Tokayev also offered support in digital governance and IT training, aligning with broader goals of regional modernization. Speaking to Toppress.kz, political analyst Tair Nigmanov interpreted Berdimuhamedov’s regional tour as a sign of Turkmenistan’s gradual emergence from diplomatic isolation. Nigmanov emphasized the symbolic significance of Turkestan, which Kazakhstan is positioning as a regional diplomatic hub for the Turkic world. Visit to Kyrgyzstan: Tradition and Informal Diplomacy On April 22, Berdimuhamedov arrived in Kyrgyzstan, where he was met at Issyk-Kul Airport by President Sadyr Japarov, who personally drove his guest along the visit route, a gesture that drew public attention. The leaders toured the Rukh-Ordo cultural center in Cholpon-Ata, and held informal discussions. During the visit, Japarov gifted a komuz, a traditional Kyrgyz string instrument, and invited Berdimuhamedov to sample the national kuurma tea. Talks on April 23 focused on enhancing bilateral relations. President Japarov praised the “centuries-old friendship” between the two nations and proposed establishing a Kyrgyz-Turkmen Development Fund, modeled on similar funds with Russia, Hungary, and Uzbekistan. Berdimuhamedov responded positively, expressing a desire to expand cooperation in trade, energy, education, and cultural exchange. Next Stop: Uzbekistan Berdimuhamedov is scheduled to visit Uzbekistan on April 23-24 at the invitation of President Shavkat Mirziyoyev. The agenda includes political, economic, and transportation cooperation, continuing the regional outreach and reinforcing Turkmenistan’s strategic...

Central Asian Leaders To Join Putin at Moscow’s WWII Parade

Leaders of the Commonwealth of Independent States, or CIS, will attend the 80th anniversary of the victory over Nazi Germany in Moscow on May 9, Russian state media have reported. The CIS, a regional group that was set up as the Soviet Union collapsed in 1991, includes the Central Asian countries that were Soviet republics: Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan. Those leaders have traditionally attended the Moscow parade. But the event drew more international scrutiny in the last few years as Russian President Vladimir Putin tried to showcase diplomatic contacts in the face of Western efforts to isolate him, and display Russian military might as the war in Ukraine dragged on. "I am happy and pleased, just like you, to announce that all heads of state of the CIS will be at the celebrations in Moscow on May 9," CIS Secretary General Sergey Lebedev told the council of the group’s inter-parliamentary assembly. He was quoted by Russia’s RIA Novosti news agency. The Russian news outlet TASS issued a similar report. Kremlin spokesman Dmitry Peskov has said more than 20 heads of state and government are expected to join Putin at the victory parade in Moscow. Some Central Asian countries, whose ancestors fought for the Soviet Union against Germany in WWII, hold their own events around the anniversary of the end of the war against the Nazis. Kyrgyzstan, for example, plans a parade on May 8 in the capital of Bishkek, allowing President Sadyr Japarov to catch the Moscow parade on the next day. Similarly, the Kazakh capital of Astana will host a military parade on May 7 after canceling several previous commemorations.

Essential but Unwelcome: Central Asian Migrants in Russia

The Crocus City Hall terrorist attack in Moscow on March 22, 2024 triggered strong anti-migrant sentiment in Russian society. Since then, the nation’s authorities have been imposing stricter migration rules. But how does this impact millions of Central Asian labor migrants and their families living and working in Russia? Following the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, Russia became a major destination for migrant workers from Central Asia. According to the official Russian statistics, there are currently almost four million citizens of Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, and Turkmenistan living in Russia, along with approximately 670,000 illegal migrants. Rosstat (the Federal State Statistics Service of the Russian Federation) reports that 260,400 migrants arrived in Russia from January to July this year, with 60% (about 156,200) coming from Central Asian countries. The majority of them are citizens of Tajikistan. In 2023, over one million Tajiks have moved to Russia in search of work. With a large community of its citizens in Russia, the Tajik government seems to be working to not only improve their legal status in the Russian Federation, but also to coordinate some of their actions, particularly in the field of culture. On April 9, in Dushanbe, a meeting took place between Tajikistan’s Minister of Labor, Migration, and Employment of the Population, Solekhi Kholmakhmadzoda, and leaders and activists of the Tajik diaspora living in Russia. Tajikistan initiated the summit after Russia began testing migrant children on their knowledge of the Russian language before admitting them to school. Starting April 1, a law came into effect that prevents Russian schools from enrolling migrant children who do not speak Russian or are in Russia illegally. This measure is just the tip of the iceberg in the Kremlin’s plans to regulate the migrant issue in the country. Alexey Nechaev, the leader of the New People party – one of the handful of the so-called systemic opposition parties in Russia – said on March 19 that “artificial intelligence should be made a new tool for monitoring migrants… It is unfair that Russian citizens are digitized from head to toe, while migrants continue to live with paper documents without any problems,” Nechaev stressed, pointing out that monitoring migrants’ activities through AI could “help keep a closer eye on what foreigners are doing and make it easier to track illegal money flows.” Last year, the Liberal Democratic Party – another ‘systemic opposition’ group – proposed restricting the rights of migrant workers to bring their families into Russia. This initiative raised concerns in neighboring Kazakhstan. The ambassador of the largest Central Asian nation expressed unease to Moscow about such ambitions, referring to the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU), the foundation of which, as he highlighted, is based on ensuring the four freedoms – the movement of goods, services, capital, and labor. Russian reports, however, claim that, as a result of Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan’s membership in the EAEU, their citizens living in Russia have a much better status than those from other Central Asian states. Despite that, on...