Almaty is gradually becoming a hub for resolving issues of not only regional but also global significance. The recent opening of the UN Regional Center for Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) for Central Asia and Afghanistan here was an event no less significant than the 80th anniversary session of the General Assembly in New York.

This is no coincidence: the global agenda at the UN today is increasingly focused on the regional level. Central Asia is not a periphery, but a kind of “model for the future,” where climate, water resources, and security challenges are intertwined.

For example, the Tian Shan glaciers have shrunk by more than 25% over the past decade and continue to melt faster than predicted, directly threatening the Amu Darya and Syr Darya rivers. These rivers are increasingly failing to reach the Aral Sea, and its dried-up bed is turning into a giant source of dust and salt.

Air pollution levels in the region’s cities, as measured by PM2.5, exceed World Health Organization guidelines by an average of 4–6 times. Extreme heat and drought are leading to the loss of agricultural land and the degradation of ecosystems, which affects not only regional but also global food security.

Central Asia has already become a unique “testing ground for the future.” The region is testing mechanisms for cross-border cooperation. The CASA-1000 energy project connects Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan with Afghanistan and Pakistan, creating a “green energy corridor.” Meanwhile, Afghanistan’s Qosh Tepa Canal is altering the balance of water usage on the Amu Darya, forcing neighboring countries to seek new models of agreement. The question is whether these nations can develop a system of joint water and energy management. The outcome will shape not only regional but also global processes.

At the same time, the United Nations itself is grappling with a deficit of trust and effectiveness. The Security Council is paralyzed, while General Assembly resolutions often carry only advisory weight. In the face of nuclear risks, environmental upheavals, and the threat of epidemics, the global community is stalling. Even large-scale initiatives such as the Glasgow Financial Alliance for Net Zero (GFANZ) remain largely declarative rather than actually limiting “dirty” investments.

Therefore, reform proposals are becoming increasingly vocal, in particular, to strengthen regional UN divisions that are capable of responding more quickly to crises and ensuring practical cooperation between countries. Another way to overcome the trust deficit could be to involve independent expert councils – scientists, NGOs, think tanks – more widely in the decision-making process, which would reduce the influence of political gridlock at the global level.

Overall, Almaty can be seen as a model of a “UN in miniature” – a regional center capable of promptly addressing issues that may seem “too small” for New York, yet are critically important for the countries of the region. For instance, the SDG Center could initiate the creation of a regional water monitoring system with unified measurement standards and transparent data sharing.

Such decentralization could form the basis for future UN reform. This is not an alternative to the organization but its renewal: granting more authority and resources at the regional level while maintaining strict accountability to headquarters in New York. In this model, regional SDG centers become not only analytical hubs but also coordination platforms, where decisions on concrete issues such as water, environment, energy, migration are made.

Decentralization also helps reduce vulnerability to political blockages. For example, disputes in the UN Security Council between major powers rarely touch on the actual situation in Central Asia. Yet the regional center in Almaty could ensure real-time data sharing on glacier conditions, Amu Darya and Syr Darya water levels, or air quality in urban areas, and propose collaborative projects. In this way, the UN transforms from an abstract “world organization” into a tool of direct benefit to people.

The financial foundation of such reform also requires innovative approaches. One possible solution would be to account not only for countries’ economic power (GDP) but also their ecological footprint. The higher a nation’s emissions and pollution levels, the greater its mandatory contributions. Such a model would encourage major polluters to invest in reducing their carbon footprint and in clean technologies, with contributions directed specifically toward regional UN operations.

More and more, ideas are emerging about humanity’s need to move from the stage of the “self-centered teenager” with a consumerist attitude toward the world and deep distrust to the stage of “adult responsibility,” based on cooperation and “global rationalism.”

Perhaps visions of global unification, or even a “world government”, remain utopian. But Central Asia may become the platform for implementing at least part of these ideas. By the UN’s 100th anniversary, a new world architecture is unlikely to emerge. Yet if Almaty becomes the place where real solutions for a sustainable future are developed. Such solutions as rational water distribution, transition to green energy, adoption of water-saving technologies, and investment in science will already mark a major step forward.

The views expressed in this article are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of the publication, its affiliates, or any other organizations mentioned.