Japarov, Tashiyev, and the Kompromat War
Kyrgyzstan has seen three revolutions since 2005. It has been a politically active country since becoming independent in late 1991, when the Soviet Union collapsed. But since the current President Sadyr Japarov came to power after the 2020 revolution, he and his long-time friend and security chief, Kamchybek Tashiyev, have stifled expressions of public discontent.
For the last five years, Kyrgyzstan’s political scene has been uncharacteristically quiet. But events since Japarov sacked Tashiyev on February 10 have raised speculation that a fierce political battle between the two powerful men now looms ahead for the country.
Japarov has already fired the first shots. Accusations of corruption against Tashiyev and his family have led to arrests. But two can play at that game, and the former security likely has compromising information about Japarov and his family.
“You Can’t Cook Two Sheep’s Heads in One Cauldron”
The February 10 announcement of Tashiyev’s firing was arguably Kyrgyzstan’s biggest political shock since the October 2020 revolution that saw Japarov go from a prison cell to simultaneously occupying the posts of prime minister and president within ten days.
The two had been friends for decades, they started their political careers about the same time, and both quickly rose through the ranks of government during the presidency of Kurmanbek Bakiyev, who was ousted in the 2010 revolution. The day after he was confirmed as president, Japarov appointed Tashiyev to be head of the State Committee for National Security (GKNB).
The day before Tashiyev was sacked, a group of 75 prominent figures, who included former government officials, released an open letter to President Japarov and the speaker of parliament calling for an early presidential election. The group pointed to the discrepancy over whether Japarov was serving the six-year presidential term mandated in the 2010 constitution or the five-year term stipulated in the constitution adopted in April 2021, three months after the snap presidential election that Japarov won.
It quickly became apparent that Tashiyev’s dismissal and the letter were connected. The same day Tashiyev was fired, so were several top GKNB officials, with the sacking of officials said to be close to Tashiyev continuing for days. Japarov’s spokesman said it was necessary to “prevent a split in society.”
However, Japarov has avoided any detailed explanation of the reasons for the many changes and repeatedly described Tashiyev as a friend.
Member of Parliament Elvira Surabaldiyeva, in an April 24 interview with a Kazakh journalist, said Tashiyev was dismissed because he was planning a coup and had been preparing it for a long time. “The president is going through a very difficult time right now, because his longtime friend tried to remove him from office,” Surabaldiyeva said, and added, “There’s a saying: ‘You can’t cook two sheep’s heads in one cauldron.’ This seems to be exactly the case.”
Kompromat
Tashiyev was out of Kyrgyzstan when the news broke that he had been fired. He briefly returned on February 13, leaving again on February 17. He returned on March 19 and the same day went to the Interior Ministry as a “witness” to answer questions about Kyrgyzneftegaz, the state oil company.
Kyrgyzstan’s State Tax Service is investigating corruption allegations at Kyrgyzneftegaz that date back more than four years and involve Tashiyev and members of his family. State Tax Service chief Almambet Shykmamatov said on March 17, “Kyrgyzneftegaz was under the complete control of the GKNB,” and that during the time Tashiyev was GKNB chief, it was impossible to check on the company’s activities.
Tashiyev’s nephew, Baigazy Matisakov, who was the head of the Kyrgyzneftegaz refinery, was detained on March 18. Tashiyev’s son, Tay-Muras, who is connected to the private company, Moko Group, that is accused of buying oil and reselling it to Kyrgyzneftegaz, was questioned by the Interior Ministry in March.
At the start of April, Tashiyev’s brother Shairbek was arrested in connection with the Kyrgyzneftegaz investigation. Shairbek was a parliamentary deputy when his brother was fired. Shairbek at first said he was not concerned with his brother’s dismissal and would remain in parliament. He was questioned at the Interior Ministry on March 13 and handed in a letter resigning from parliament the next day.
After Surabaldiyeva’s interview, Japarov spoke with Kaktus Media, and while not confirming there was evidence of a coup plot, he said any decision about Kamchybek Tashiyev’s role was a matter for investigators and the courts.
It seems the net is tightening around Kamchybek Tashiyev and that it might only be a matter of time before he, too, is detained and facing charges.
Two Can Play at that Game
There could be, and probably are, more allegations of wrongdoing involving Kamchybek Tashiyev, members of his family, or close associates. But the business dealings of Japarov and members of his family might not bear scrutiny either.
In March 2017, Japarov was arrested as he tried to re-enter Kyrgyzstan. He fled the country in late 2013 to avoid facing criminal charges that included making death threats, hostage taking, hooliganism, and use of violence against a government official. He was convicted after returning in 2017, and languished in prison until supporters freed him after the October 2020 revolution.
After Japarov became president, the Supreme Court reviewed and overturned the 2017 verdict against him.
At the time he was detained in 2017, Kyrgyzstan’s independent outlet Kaktus Media recalled that in 2009, under then-President Bakiyev, Japarov was head of the Agency for Prevention of Corruption. “It is unclear how Japarov fought corruption,” Kaktus wrote, noting that “there was so much corruption” that it was impossible to keep track of.
The former owner of Investbank Issyk-Kul, Bolot Baykozhoyev, alleged that Japarov embezzled some $400,000 from the bank in 2004. In 2007, Investbank Issyk-Kul was illegally seized by a group that included Bakiyev’s son Maksim and Japarov’s sister Raykul. Just before she was convicted on money laundering charges in 2014 and sentenced to seven years in prison, Raykul fled Kyrgyzstan. In 2015, she was convicted of illegally taking over Investbank Issyk-Kul and sentenced to an additional ten years in prison.
Days after her brother was elected president, Kyrgyzstan’s Supreme Court overturned the verdict against Raykul.
Japarov’s nephew, Ulan Japarov, was detained for corruption in July 2023 and eventually placed under house arrest in October 2023 while his investigation was being conducted. President Japarov said at the time that his nephew’s arrest should serve as an example to all his relatives that he would not intervene if they were caught breaking the law.
While still being investigated for corruption, Ulan Japarov was arrested again in July 2024 for embezzlement, but by September 2024, a Bishkek court had ordered him released.
Japarov has five brothers and five sisters, and they have offspring, so the chances that some in the Japarov clan have been using Sadyr’s position as president to further their own careers cannot be ruled out.
The Uzbek Card
One of the most interesting cards Tashiyev might have and could play concerns Uzbekistan.
On the day of the announcement that Tashiyev had been sacked, there were reports that Uzbek President Shavkat Mirziyoyev and Japarov “held a phone call.” The reports are careful not to clarify who called whom. But the information that is provided, that the two presidents discussed joint railway and hydropower projects, seems questionable, given that Kyrgyzstan was facing what parliamentary deputy Surabaldiyeva now describes as a coup attempt.
As GKNB chief, Tashiyev worked to eradicate organized crime. Some of the links of Kyrgyzstan’s organized criminal world extended into Uzbekistan. In August 2024, the GKNB put out a warrant for Uzbek crime boss Salim Abduvaliyev for his ties to Kyrgyz mafia kingpin Kamchy Kolbayev, aka Kolya Kyrgyz, who was killed in a GKNB raid on a Bishkek restaurant in October 2023.
Two members of Kyrgyzstan’s parliament were stripped of their mandates over ties to Abduvaliyev. Tashiyev said in January 2025 that there was a time when Abduvaliyev “completely” controlled organized crime in southern Kyrgyzstan.
Abduvaliyev supported Mirziyoyev to become Uzbekistan’s new president after the country’s first, and until then, only president, Islam Karimov, died in the summer of 2016. Ahead of the December 2016 snap presidential election, Abduvaliyev posted a photo of himself wearing a T-shirt with Mirziyoyev’s photo and the words “My President” written on it.
An Uzbek court sentenced Abduvaliyev to six years in prison in March 2024, after the notorious crime boss was found guilty of illegal firearms, but he was released for health reasons in January 2025.
There is also the case of Habibullah Abdukadyr, a Chinese-born Uyghur businessman who is allegedly tied to organized criminal networks in Kyrgyzstan and Uzbekistan.
The GKNB’s investigations into organized crime when Tashiyev headed the security service likely uncovered information about the underworld in Uzbekistan and Uzbek officials connected to organized crime. That might explain the February 10 phone call between Mirziyoyev and Tashiyev, and might also explain why Tashiyev still remains free in Kyrgyzstan.
With Kyrgyzstan set to conduct a presidential election in January 2027, it seems the current standoff cannot last for very long, and the big question now is, will Japarov or Tashiyev make the next move?



