Kazakhstan Featurees - The Times Of Central Asia

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Extradition

Kazakhstan Suspends Extradition of Navalny Associate as Courts Weigh Asylum Claim

Kazakhstan has suspended the extradition of Yulia Yemelyanova, a former staff member of Alexei Navalny’s St. Petersburg office, to Russia. Yemelyanova was detained in Almaty in August 2025 after the Russian authorities requested her transfer. The Prosecutor General’s Office halted the extradition after her lawyers filed appeals linked to her asylum claim. Earlier this month, authorities approved Russia’s request despite her pending asylum application. Her lawyer subsequently stated that he would challenge that approval before the Supreme Court. Russian investigators have accused Yemelyanova of theft linked to a 2021 case. Her defense rejects the charge and argues that the prosecution is politically motivated. Yemelyanova’s case fits into a broader pattern of extradition proceedings involving Russian nationals who relocated to Kazakhstan after Russia launched its full-scale invasion of Ukraine in February 2022. In late September 2022, Kazakhstan’s Interior Ministry stated that nearly 100,000 Russians had entered the country following Moscow’s announcement of partial mobilization on September 21. “Most of them have to leave because of the hopeless situation. We have to take care of them and secure their safety,” Kazakh President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev said at the time. Many have remained. Kazakhstan’s Interior Ministry reported that more than 80,000 Russian citizens received work-related residence permits between January 2023 and September 2024. Opinion in Kazakhstan on Navalny spans a wide and often divergent spectrum. When news of his death in a Russian penal colony broke in February 2024, responses across Central Asia ranged from sympathy to indifference. In Kazakhstan, some civic activists expressed concern over political repression in Russia, while others recalled Navalny’s past nationalist rhetoric and critical comments about migration from Central Asia. Those divergent views form the domestic context for cases involving former members of Navalny’s political network. Extradition proceedings unfold within a society that interprets Russian opposition politics through its own historical experience and social priorities. The relocation wave reshaped rental markets in Almaty and Astana in late 2022, as IT firms, logistics companies, and service businesses absorbed skilled migrants. At the same time, authorities tightened migration rules and reduced the duration of visa-free stays, signaling that temporary entry did not guarantee long-term residence. In 2024 and 2025, Russian extradition requests began to draw greater public attention, with several defendants seeking asylum while contesting their transfer. One prominent case involved Mansur Movlayev, a Chechen activist critical of Ramzan Kadyrov. In January 2026, Kazakhstan approved Russia’s extradition request after denying him refugee status. The UN Human Rights Committee registered a complaint in Movlayev’s case and requested that Kazakhstan refrain from extraditing him while the review proceeded. Kazakhstan’s Supreme Court subsequently suspended the extradition decision pending review connected to his asylum appeal. Kazakhstan’s Criminal Procedure Code governs extradition decisions and provides appeal mechanisms, with the Law on Refugees establishing procedures for reviewing asylum claims and defining protections from removal. International law reinforces these safeguards; the principle of non-refoulement prohibits returning a person to a country where they face serious threats to their life or freedom. Kazakhstan’s extradition decisions are unfolding within a...

Middle Corridor

The World Bank Backs Kazakhstan’s Rail Shortcut

On February 19, 2026, the World Bank Board approved an $846 million IBRD guarantee to help the state-owned railway company Kazakhstan Temir Zholy (KTZ) mobilize $1.41 billion in long-term commercial financing. The financing is linked to a KTZ reform program under the umbrella “Transforming Rail Connectivity in Kazakhstan (Middle Corridor Development)” initiative. The purpose is to expand rail connectivity and upgrade logistics on Kazakhstan’s segment of the Trans-Caspian International Transport Route (TITR, Middle Corridor). The Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB) will add a $564 million co-guarantee that shifts the financing away from a classic sovereign-loan model and toward private credit backed by multilateral risk coverage. The Multilateral Investment Guarantee Agency (MIGA) presents this operation as part of a wider World Bank Group approach that pairs corridor capital expenditure with steps to strengthen the operator’s financial sustainability and commercial viability. The operation is structured as a two-part package. First, it finances a new 322.3-kilometer railway on a new segment between Mointy and Kyzylzhar in central Kazakhstan. This segment is meant to remove a major network detour, shorten the TITR route within Kazakhstan by 149 kilometers, ease congestion on heavily used sections, and support double-stack container operations. The line is planned with modern signaling and telecommunications, plus design provisions for later expansion and electrification. Second, it ties the construction to a reform program at KTZ, including tariff reform, exploration of alternative financing mechanisms, stronger financial and environmental management, and preparatory work for a potential initial public offering. The World Bank is structuring delivery through a Multi-Phase Programmatic Approach with the stated aim of tripling freight volumes and halving end-to-end transit times on Kazakhstan’s Middle Corridor segment by 2030. Why This Segment Matters for the Middle Corridor Inside Kazakhstan, the Mointy–Kyzylzhar line is a central connector in the Trans-Kazakhstan east–west trunk carrying traffic from the China-facing gateways at Dostyk and Khorgos toward the Caspian outlets at Aktau and Kuryk. Mointy itself is a pivotal junction where train paths, locomotives, and crews are redistributed across multiple directions; as a result, any congestion there propagates quickly into corridor-wide delays. In early 2025, President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev directed acceleration of the Trans-Kazakhstan corridor. KTZ says the expected benefits include decreased pressure on heavily used central segments, fewer locomotive changeovers at key junction points, and, on some routings, the potential to cut more than a day from transit time between the Chinese border and Aktau. The World Bank’s 2023 Middle Corridor study stressed that the corridor’s most durable growth driver is regional trade among the core corridor economies: China–Europe movements remain important, but they compete with multiple alternatives, above all maritime shipping. An infrastructure upgrade adds economic value only if it reduces variability at the handoff points where delays accumulate, including rail-to-port interfaces, Caspian coordination, and national borders. Relieving the domestic bottleneck in Kazakhstan is economically meaningful only insofar as it stabilizes arrival times to Caspian terminals, creates more room for dispatching, and helps logistics providers offer shippers more predictable end-to-end service along the TITR. The emphasis is...

TCA Interviews

Uzbekistan’s Ambassador to Kazakhstan on Regional Integration and a Shifting Global Order

Amid shifting regional dynamics and an evolving global order, Uzbekistan has emerged as one of Central Asia’s most proactive diplomatic and economic actors. Since 2016, Tashkent has pursued an ambitious reform agenda at home while expanding cooperation with its neighbors and major global powers. In a wide-ranging interview with TCA, His Excellency Bakhtiyor Ibragimov, Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of the Republic of Uzbekistan to Kazakhstan, discusses regional integration, strategic partnerships, Afghanistan, China, and the future of economic diplomacy in Central Asia. TCA: Mr. Ambassador, Uzbekistan has demonstrated significant economic progress in recent years. What do you see as the key drivers behind this success? Ambassador Ibragimov: First of all, welcome to the Embassy of the Republic of Uzbekistan in Astana. We are familiar with your publication. We read it often, follow it, and analyze it. I would start with President Shavkat Mirziyoyev taking office at the end of 2016. It is no secret that until 2016, the Republic of Uzbekistan, despite its potential, was a fairly closed country. Our president always asks us, his representatives abroad, to speak openly about this. You cannot rewrite history or hide it. Relations with our neighbors were, frankly, at a very low level, and with some, there were no relations at all. The end of 2016 was a turning point, when reforms were not only declared but implemented and are now yielding results. One of President Mirziyoyev’s first foreign-policy priorities was normalization, and I want to emphasize this: normalization and then improving relations with neighbors. There is a saying in Uzbekistan: "If your neighbor is doing well, then you will also do well." Today, nearly a decade later, we can see that this policy is yielding results. Please note: this is not my personal assessment, but the assessment of international experts who recognize that the President has managed to achieve what once seemed impossible. I am speaking about regional integration with our neighbors. For example, a key issue for Central Asia is water. Many analysts warn that competition for water resources could, in the future, become a potential source of conflict. Two main rivers feed the region. Unfortunately, due to climate change, water volumes are not increasing year by year, while consumption is rising. We have managed to resolve almost all issues to date. In particular, based on the level of accumulation in the autumn-winter period in the upper reaches of the Amu Darya and Syr Darya rivers, and taking into account irrigation needs during the growing season, our water specialists jointly agree on and ensure the necessary water discharge within an agreed time frame. Uzbekistan, as you know, is located in the very center of Central Asia, bordering all Central Asian states, as well as Afghanistan. Today, border issues have largely been resolved. The final chord was struck on March 31, 2025, when the leaders of Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, and Kyrgyzstan signed an agreement on the border junction point, confirming the point of convergence of the three countries’ state borders. It should also be...

Podcast

Pannier and Hillard’s Spotlight on Central Asia: New Episode Out Now

As Managing Editor of The Times of Central Asia, I’m delighted that, in partnership with the Oxus Society for Central Asian Affairs, from October 19, we are the home of the Spotlight on Central Asia podcast. Chaired by seasoned broadcasters Bruce Pannier of RFE/RL’s long-running Majlis podcast and Michael Hillard of The Red Line, each fortnightly instalment will take you on a deep dive into the latest news, developments, security issues, and social trends across an increasingly pivotal region. This week, the team will be covering Kazakhstan announcing the date for its upcoming constitutional referendum, controversial polling decisions in Kazakhstan, a new fighting force forming that could make the Tajikistan–Afghanistan border even more volatile, one leader returning from an unexplained absence, and several others travelling to the United States for talks that are raising eyebrows. We'll also cover a major government reshuffle in Turkmenistan, before turning to our main story: the removal of one of Kyrgyzstan's most powerful figures, and the political and geopolitical aftershocks likely to follow. On the show this week: - Emil Dzhuraev (Political Expert)

Serbia

Vučić in Astana: Trade, Defense, and Technology Drive Kazakhstan–Serbia Talks

Serbian President Aleksandar Vučić arrived in Astana on February 26 for a two-day official visit. Prime Minister Olzhas Bektenov and Astana Mayor Jenis Qasymbek received him at the airport. Vučić is scheduled to hold talks with President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev on February 26–27. The agenda includes political dialogue, trade, digital transformation, healthcare, science, culture, and judicial cooperation. The two presidents are expected to adopt a joint statement and oversee the signing of ten memorandums. Kazakhstan also plans to award Vučić the Order of the Golden Eagle, the country’s highest state honor. The Serbian delegation includes Minister of Internal and External Trade Jagoda Lazarević, Minister without Portfolio Nenad Popović, and Mihailo Jovanović, director of Serbia’s Office for eGovernment and IT. Economic ties form a central pillar of the visit. Kazakhstan’s government stated that bilateral trade grew by 7.6% in 2025. At the first meeting of the Kazakhstan–Serbia Business Council and Business Forum in Astana, Nenad Popović said trade turnover reached about $117 million in 2025, an increase of roughly 7%. “The free-trade agreement between our countries ensures a strong institutional basis. It is now important to further strengthen this foundation with concrete projects and targeted mechanisms to support entrepreneurship in Kazakhstan and Serbia, as well as their business communities,” he stated. Defense cooperation has also emerged as a significant outcome of the business meetings. Kazakhstan’s LLP SP Kaztechnology and Serbia’s Yugoimport SDPR agreed to cooperate on the repair and modernization of 122mm and 152mm self-propelled artillery systems from the Nora and Soko/Soho families. LLP Great Sky and Yugoimport SDPR also signed a framework agreement on technology transfer and the organization of high-energy materials production. The visit extends beyond defense. Astana Hub signed memorandums with Serbia’s Digital Transformation Center, SEE UP Accelerator, and Science Technology Park Belgrade. Kazakhstan’s National Biotechnology Center also signed a memorandum with Serbia’s Bio4 Campus. Diplomatic relations between Kazakhstan and Serbia were established in December 1996. As previously reported by The Times of Central Asia, momentum in bilateral ties increased in late 2024 when Tokayev visited Serbia, and the sides signed multiple cooperation agreements in trade, investment, and industry. The Astana meetings signal a practical expansion of relations between Central Asia and the Balkans. Trade remains modest in absolute terms, but the new agreements in defense, digital technology, and biotechnology point to the growth of a broader industrial partnership.

Pink Tax

Gender Pricing and Tax Policy in Kazakhstan: Does a “Pink Tax” Exist?

Women often pay more for everyday goods, from hygiene products to personal care services. In public discourse in Kazakhstan, this phenomenon is often referred to as the “pink tax.” But does such a tax exist, or are these differences the result of market pricing strategies? Is a “Pink Tax” Recognized Under Kazakhstan’s Tax Code? If understood literally as a separate levy established in the Tax Code, the so-called “pink tax” does not exist in Kazakhstan. The country’s tax system includes corporate and individual income taxes, value-added tax (VAT), excise duties, social tax, property taxes, and other mandatory payments. There is no gender-based category. In Kazakhstan, the term is generally used to describe a potential “gender markup,” where products marketed to women are priced higher than comparable versions aimed at men, even when their features are largely the same. These differences are most often observed in items such as razors, shower gels, and other personal care products, where variation may be limited to packaging or branding. However, Kazakhstan lacks large-scale, representative studies on the issue. Most claims are based on retail observations and isolated price comparisons rather than comprehensive market research. How Tax Policy Affects Essential Hygiene Products: VAT and the “Tampon Tax” Public debate increasingly uses the term “tampon tax” to describe situations where menstrual hygiene products are subject to the standard VAT rate rather than a reduced rate applied to essential goods. Starting January 1, 2026, Kazakhstan’s base VAT rate increased to 16%. Reduced VAT rates of 5% (from 2026) and 10% (from 2027), apply only to goods and services, including specific medicines and medical devices that meet established criteria. These benefits do not apply broadly to all health-related goods, only to items included in officially approved lists. If sanitary pads, tampons, and other menstrual hygiene products are not included in the approved lists, they are subject to the standard VAT rate, like most other consumer goods. The law does not treat “women’s” products as a separate taxable category. As a result, Kazakhstan does not levy a distinct “pink tax” but applies uniform VAT rules. The broader policy debate centers on whether menstrual products should be classified as essential goods for tax purposes. The social dimension is significant. According to the World Bank and UNFPA, menstrual poverty refers to limited access to hygiene products and related services such as water, sanitation, healthcare, and education. A survey conducted in Kazakhstan by Umai Cup and SOAS (2,116 participants) found that 25% of respondents had no access to hygiene products during their first menstruation, 66% used improvised materials, and 10% missed school due to an inability to purchase sanitary pads. When a recurring monthly product is taxed at the full VAT rate and rises in price along with inflation, the financial burden falls disproportionately on low-income women. For students, single mothers, and mothers of large families, this may translate into restricted access to basic hygiene. Why the “Pink Tax” Has a Greater Impact at Lower Income Levels Even without normative judgments, the economic...