• KGS/USD = 0.01143 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00216 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10633 -0.28%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01143 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00216 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10633 -0.28%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01143 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00216 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10633 -0.28%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01143 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00216 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10633 -0.28%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01143 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00216 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10633 -0.28%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01143 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00216 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10633 -0.28%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01143 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00216 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10633 -0.28%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01143 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00216 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10633 -0.28%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0%

Viewing results 7 - 12 of 12605

Russia to Build University Campus in Bishkek

The Cabinet of Ministers of Kyrgyzstan has approved the reclassification of land in southern Bishkek for the construction of a new campus for the Kyrgyz-Russian Slavic University, the government said. The decree, signed on April 24 by Prime Minister Adylbek Kasymaliev, transfers the land from agricultural use to settlement status. The project is being implemented under an intergovernmental agreement between Kyrgyzstan and Russia following the state visit of Vladimir Putin to Bishkek in November 2025. It involves the construction of a university campus spanning approximately 30 hectares. Officials say the campus will form part of a long-term strategy to develop educational infrastructure and deepen humanitarian cooperation between the two countries. The new complex is designed to accommodate up to 15,000 students and will include academic, research, and social facilities in line with international higher education standards. Construction is expected to be completed by 2030, with funding to be provided jointly by both sides. It is part of a wider educational push by Russia to bolster the influence of Russian language in the region. Russian cultural organisation Evrasiya, a non-profit organisation linked to the Kremlin, has invested heavily in Kyrgyzstan since 2024. President Sadyr Japarov has instructed that the campus be equipped with modern facilities, while the Finance Ministry has been tasked with allocating funds for the necessary engineering infrastructure. Once the decree comes into force, local authorities will be required to terminate third-party rights to the land allocated for the project. Most of the site is currently state-owned, though part remains in private hands. Authorities also noted the need to comply with environmental, sanitary, and urban planning standards, including measures to improve seismic resilience – a perennial fear for Central Asian cities. The agreement on the campus construction was previously ratified by the parliaments of both countries, including Russia’s State Duma and the Federation Council.

Meat Prices in Tajikistan Among Highest in Central Asia

Beef prices in Tajikistan remain among the highest in Central Asia, with average retail prices ranging from $10 to $11 per kilogram, higher than in neighboring Kyrgyzstan, Kazakhstan, and Turkmenistan. By comparison, beef costs around $7.6 per kilogram in Kyrgyzstan, approximately $7-7.5 in Turkmenistan, and about $8.66 in Kazakhstan. Uzbekistan is at a similar level to Tajikistan, with prices averaging $10.85 per kilogram. Globally, meat prices continue to rise. According to the Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO), prices increased by about 1% in March compared with February and were up 8% year-on-year. Analysts say the increase is largely driven by rising pork prices, particularly in Europe, along with reduced meat production in Brazil. At the same time, lamb and poultry prices have edged down slightly. Experts warn that declining production in the United States and Brazil, combined with strong demand in Europe, could push beef prices even higher. The highest beef prices globally are recorded in Switzerland, where they reach $45.72 per kilogram. Other high-cost markets include Norway ($32.67), Luxembourg ($27.09), South Korea ($25.23), and Singapore ($25.02). The lowest prices are found in Nigeria ($4.56), Pakistan ($4.70), Kenya ($5.17), India ($5.33), and Nepal ($5.40). Among former Soviet countries, price differences are also significant, with the highest costs in the Baltic states. In Estonia, beef is priced at $20.48 per kilogram; in Latvia, $13.71; and in Lithuania, $12.43. Mid-range prices are seen in Armenia ($11.59), Russia ($10.80), Azerbaijan ($10.64), and Georgia ($9.91). Lower prices are found in Belarus ($9.25), Moldova ($8.59), and Ukraine ($7.22). Despite high prices, domestic meat production in Tajikistan is increasing. According to official data, output of livestock and poultry (in live weight) reached 54,700 tons in January-March 2026, up 11.5% year-on-year. However, prices remain elevated due to supply shortages. The country meets only about 58% of domestic demand, while imports account for just 4-6% of the market. Imported meat, particularly from Belarus and Kazakhstan, is cheaper and helps contain prices, but due to consumer preferences it is mainly used in the food service sector and does not replace locally produced meat. Experts say the high cost of meat in Tajikistan is driven by structural factors, including underdeveloped livestock farming, feed shortages, and limited systemic support for farmers. Imports, they note, provide only temporary relief and do not address the underlying causes of high prices.

From Kazakhstan to International Ballet: Meirambek Nazargozhayev’s Rise

Meirambek Nazargozhayev’s journey is a remarkable story of talent, determination, and transformation. Hailing from the small village of Karaoy in Kazakhstan’s Almaty region, he grew up like many boys in the countryside, playing football and the dombra, with little connection to the world of classical ballet. Today, however, he is a principal soloist at the Royal Danish Theatre, one of Europe’s most prestigious cultural institutions. Ballet was not part of Nazargozhayev’s childhood dreams. His path changed thanks to his aunt Farida, a choreographic instructor in Almaty, who noticed his potential early on and encouraged him to pursue dance. At the age of ten, he entered professional training, marking the beginning of an unexpected but extraordinary career. Creativity had always been part of his life. He recalls being drawn to music and performance from an early age, playing instruments, exploring artistic interests, and taking part in local cultural activities. In 2006, he was admitted to a choreographic school in Almaty, where he trained intensively. Watching dancers glide and leap across the stage left a lasting impression, turning his initial curiosity into a deep passion for ballet. [caption id="attachment_48150" align="aligncenter" width="300"] From a personal photo archive[/caption] With consistent effort and discipline, Nazargozhayev soon began gaining international recognition and winning awards. His artistic path echoes the words of Rabindranath Tagore, who described art as an expression of the inner self. While many of his classmates aimed to join local theaters in Astana or Almaty, Nazargozhayev aspired to build a career abroad. He first moved to Moscow, where he spent eight months working at a major theater, performing key roles and refining his skills. Eager to broaden his horizons, he then turned to Europe, known for its rich ballet traditions and high professional standards. His European career began in Kiel, Germany, where his distinctive style and talent quickly earned him a contract. He flourished there, particularly in contemporary dance, a genre he continues to value deeply. During his time in Germany, he heard a great deal about the Royal Danish Theatre, which soon became his ultimate goal. An offer from a major theater in Madrid followed, promising strong prospects. Shortly afterward, however, he received an invitation from the Royal Danish Theatre, the very stage he had long dreamed of joining. [caption id="attachment_48151" align="aligncenter" width="300"] From a personal photo archive[/caption] “I was in disbelief,” he admits. “I had applied, but I never imagined I would actually be accepted.” After joining the company, Nazargozhayev made an immediate impact by performing a solo role in Jiří Kylián’s ballet 27’52”, an opportunity rarely given to new members. His performance captivated both audiences and colleagues, establishing him as a standout artist. Over the past eight years, he has continued to grow professionally, appearing on major stages across Europe, China, North America, and at the Kremlin Palace. In recognition of his excellence and dedication, the Royal Danish Theatre granted him a lifelong soloist contract, an honor reserved for only the most distinguished performers. He has also performed before the Danish...

Victory, Memory, and Moscow: Central Asia’s Changing May Calendar

May is when Central Asia’s past crowds into the public square. Workers, soldiers, veterans, constitutions, unity campaigns, and the legacy of World War II all compete for space on the calendar. The dates are familiar across the region, but their meanings are no longer the same. Kazakhstan marks People’s Unity Day on May 1, Defenders’ Day on May 7, and Victory Day on May 9. Kyrgyzstan has a May calendar built around Labor Day, Constitution Day, and Victory Day. Uzbekistan has recast May 9 as the Day of Remembrance and Honor. Turkmenistan lists May 9 as Victory Day of the 1941-1945 Great Patriotic War, but it no longer carries the same public weight as the country’s main state holidays. Those choices show how each state is handling its Soviet past. May 1 can mean labor, unity, or almost nothing. May 9 can mean victory, mourning, family memory, or careful diplomacy. In Central Asia, the politics of memory rarely move through open rejection. It works through renaming, recalibrating, and changing the optics. Russia still treats May 9 as a central ritual of state power. Victory Day marks the Soviet defeat of Nazi Germany in what Russia calls the Great Patriotic War. Under Vladimir Putin, it has become a display of military strength, national sacrifice, and confrontation with the West. Since Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022, that message has become more direct. This year, the image projected from Moscow will be weaker. Russia is preparing to hold its May 9 parade on Red Square without the usual display of military hardware. Tanks and missile systems, long central to the spectacle, are being kept away. Russia’s Defense Ministry cited the “current operational situation,” while the Kremlin linked the change to Ukrainian attacks. For Central Asian governments, that image will be hard to separate from their own handling of Victory Day. Moscow has long used May 9 to gather friendly leaders and place the post-Soviet region inside a shared wartime story. Attendance in Moscow has become a diplomatic signal. Absence has become one too. In recent years, Victory Day diplomacy has shown how Central Asian governments try to respect wartime memory while avoiding full alignment with Russia’s narrative. This year, at least some Central Asian leaders are again expected in Moscow. Kazakhstan’s Kassym-Jomart Tokayev and Kyrgyzstan’s Sadyr Japarov have been reported among those planning to attend, though the Kremlin has not yet published a full list of foreign guests. Central Asian states cannot simply discard May 9. Millions of people from the region served in the Red Army or worked behind the front during World War II; from Kazakhstan alone, around one million people contributed to the war effort, with nearly 271,000 soldiers still listed as missing. Families still carry those memories. Monuments, veterans’ payments, school events, and wreath-laying ceremonies remain important. For many people, Victory Day is personal before it is geopolitical. Yet governments have changed the tone. Kazakhstan still marks Victory Day as a public holiday, but large military parades...

Opinion: Uzbekistan’s Growth Story Has a Skills Problem

Uzbekistan has become one of Central Asia's strongest growth stories. GDP expanded by 6.5% in 2024, and the Asian Development Bank projects growth of 6.7% in 2026 and 6.8% in 2027. Industry, services, and foreign investment are all expanding. The World Bank says real GDP growth averaged around 6% a year between 2017 and 2025. Beneath that momentum, however, a quieter problem is taking shape. Uzbekistan may not yet be training enough workers for the economy it is trying to build. The issue is not a shortage of capital; it is a shortage of market-ready skills. The country has moved from an isolated, heavily state-controlled economy toward a more open and reform-driven model in less than a decade. But if education, vocational training, and private-sector demand do not align faster, Uzbekistan risks turning one of the region's strongest demographic advantages into a labor-market strain. A Dividend That Could Become a Deficit Uzbekistan is a young country in every sense. About 700,000 young people enter the job market each year, while the working-age population is expected to keep expanding for decades. In development economics, this kind of demographic concentration is often described as a dividend: a period when a large share of the population is of working age, productive, and capable of driving growth. The risk is that the dividend does not materialize automatically. It depends on whether young people can move into productive, formal, and better-paid work. If the workforce entering the economy is not equipped with the skills employers need, the same demographic pressure can feed into informality, underemployment, migration, and social strain. The official unemployment rate fell to 4.9% in the third quarter of 2025. That is a meaningful improvement. But around 760,000 people remained registered as job seekers, and the International Labour Organization has estimated informal employment at about 40% of the workforce. Remittances also remain a structural pillar of household income: according to Central Bank data cited by local media, inflows reached $18.9 billion in 2025, up from $14.8 billion in 2024. This is not the picture of a country that has already solved its human-capital challenge. It is the picture of a country racing against time. The Mismatch at the Heart of the Problem The core challenge is not a shortage of graduates. Higher education has expanded dramatically. According to Uzbekistan's National Statistics Committee, coverage among 18- to 23-year-olds reached 47.7% at the start of the 2024/2025 academic year, up from 8.3% in 2017. The number of higher education institutions has also grown rapidly. By conventional access metrics, this is an extraordinary achievement. But enrollment alone is not the measure that matters. Employers need workers who can solve practical problems, operate modern equipment, manage digital systems, and adapt quickly to changing production and service needs. Too many students are still moving through programs shaped by an older economic model: credential-heavy, theoretically oriented, and weakly connected to the needs of a modern labor market in IT, manufacturing, logistics, energy, tourism, and services. The student-financing system has...

Pannier and Hillard’s Spotlight on Central Asia: New Episode Coming Sunday

As Managing Editor of The Times of Central Asia, I’m delighted that, in partnership with the Oxus Society for Central Asian Affairs, from October 19, we are the home of the Spotlight on Central Asia podcast. Chaired by seasoned broadcasters Bruce Pannier of RFE/RL’s long-running Majlis podcast and Michael Hillard of The Red Line, each fortnightly instalment will take you on a deep dive into the latest news, developments, security issues, and social trends across an increasingly pivotal region. This week, the team will be covering the environmental situation in the Caspian Sea and the recent Regional Ecological Summit in Astana. Special guest, Vadim Ni, co-founder of the Save the Caspian Sea movement.