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Kazakhstan’s Party System Faces Its First Kurultai Test

Kazakhstan’s shift to a unicameral, party-list Kurultai is meant to strengthen political parties. But the ruling Amanat party’s June 12 vote to join the newly created Adilet party, followed by Adilet delegates’ approval on June 14, shows the first test of the new system will show whether the new party-list model broadens competition or mainly reorganizes the pro-presidential camp before the vote. Why Parties Matter Now On July 1, 2026, Kazakhstan’s new Constitution enters into force, abolishing the bicameral parliament and replacing it with a unicameral Kurultai of 145 deputies elected exclusively through party lists for a five-year term. The new basic law was approved in a referendum on March 15, 2026. According to the Central Election Commission, it was supported by 87.15% of voters, with turnout at 73.12%. More than 80% of the text of the 1995 Constitution was rewritten. President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev has said elections to the new Kurultai will take place in August 2026. That makes Kazakhstan’s political parties especially important to watch: for the first time since 2004, key parliamentary players could change substantially. But the early signal is mixed: formal rules strengthen parties as electoral institutions, while the merger of pro-presidential forces consolidates the dominant camp’s organizational advantages. How the Party System Works Kazakhstan is a presidential republic in which parties operate under the Law “On Political Parties.” Until 2022, registering a party required at least 1,000 initiators and at least 20,000 members. After political reforms announced by Tokayev on March 16, 2022, the minimum number of initiators was reduced to 700, while the membership threshold was lowered to 5,000. The minimum size of regional branches was also reduced from 600 to 200 people, and the period allowed for forming branches was extended from six months to one year. In 2023, 98 deputies were elected to the Mazhilis, the lower house of parliament: 69 through party lists and 29 in single-mandate constituencies. The threshold for party lists was lowered from 7% to 5%. Under the new Constitution, single-mandate constituencies are abolished at the national level, and all 145 deputies of the Kurultai will be elected through party lists. Without single-mandate districts, independent political figures will need party access to enter national politics. Parties also take part in elections to maslikhats, local representative bodies at district, city, and regional levels. Those elections were held simultaneously with parliamentary elections on March 19, 2023. Eight Parties: The Current Landscape As of June 2026, before the Amanat-Adilet merger process is completed, Kazakhstan has eight officially registered political parties, the highest number in two decades. Six are represented in the current Mazhilis: Amanat, Auyl, Respublica, Ak Zhol, the People’s Party of Kazakhstan, and the Nationwide Social Democratic Party. The seventh, the environmental party Baitaq, was registered on November 30, 2022, as Kazakhstan’s first “green” party. It failed to clear the 5% threshold in the 2023 elections, receiving 2.30% of the vote. The eighth, Adilet, was registered by the Ministry of Justice on June 1, 2026. It is headed by Aibek...

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U.S. Development Finance Corporation Signals Interest in Tele2 Upgrade in Kazakhstan

The U.S. International Development Finance Corporation (DFC) has announced its interest in helping modernize Kazakhstan’s telecommunications infrastructure through a potential partnership with Qatar’s Power International Holding (PIH), which owns Mobile Telecom-Service LLP, operator of the Tele2/Altel brands. DFC Chief Executive Officer Ben Black and PIH President and Group CEO Ramez Al-Khayyat signed a letter of interest and financing proposal in Astana on June 16. The document outlines a proposed partnership to support Tele2’s transition to equipment supplied by “trusted vendors,” a move aimed at improving Kazakhstan’s digital security and supporting the rollout of 5G networks. According to DFC, the proposed investment would help build more secure telecommunications infrastructure for 5G connectivity and digital services. The corporation said it sees Kazakhstan as a key part of the Trans-Caspian Corridor and an important destination for investment from the United States in Central Asia. “This deal will be truly transformative, a game-changer for regional connectivity, and a major step toward building economic momentum in Kazakhstan,” Black said. The announcement follows the completion of the sale of Mobile Telecom-Service LLP, which operates under the Tele2/Altel brands, to PIH Communication LLC, a subsidiary of Power International Holding. According to Kazakhtelecom’s audited financial statements for 2025, cited by Kapital.kz, Kazakhtelecom received the second tranche of the deal, amounting to $25.415 million, on January 22, 2026. The first payment of $700 million was made by PIH Communication LLC on January 16, 2025, bringing the total paid so far to $725.415 million. The planned sale of Mobile Telecom-Service received political backing in February 2024, following talks between Kazakh President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev and Qatar’s Emir Sheikh Tamim bin Hamad Al Thani. Kazakhstan’s telecommunications sector is also attracting greater attention from the U.S. As previously reported by The Times of Central Asia, Tokayev met with Black in Astana on June 15 to discuss prospects for expanding economic cooperation between Kazakhstan and the U.S. Tokayev described Black’s visit as a continuation of agreements reached during talks in Washington in November 2025 and as a sign of growing U.S. engagement in Central Asia.

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Tea, Tug-of-War, and Team GB at the World Nomad Games

A British tug-of-war athlete preparing for a nomadic sports festival in Kyrgyzstan sounds like the start of a strange travel documentary. It is also part of the appeal of the World Nomad Games, which return to Kyrgyzstan from August 31 to September 6, 2026, with The Times of Central Asia once again reporting from the ground. Since their launch in 2014, the Games have grown far beyond their roots, turning traditional sports into an international meeting point for athletes, spectators, and cultures that rarely share the same arena. What began as a Kyrgyz initiative has become one of the world’s more unusual sporting gatherings, mixing horseback combat, archery, wrestling, eagle hunting, strength contests, board games, food, music, and craft traditions in a format closer to a living festival than a conventional tournament. For visiting teams, the challenge is not only athletic. It is cultural, physical, and occasionally bewildering in the best possible way, as The Times of Central Asia explored in an interview with Sam Pollard from Team Great Britain. TCA: How did you first become involved with the World Nomad Games, and what drew you to competing there? Sam Pollard: I read Sovietistan: A Journey Through Turkmenistan, Kazakhstan, Tajikistan, Kyrgyzstan, and Uzbekistan by Erika Fatland in my second year at university, in 2023. I already knew I wanted to travel to Central Asia after university because it was completely unknown to me. I like going to places where no one I know has been, and I was excited to experience it for myself and see whether it was a hidden gem. It absolutely turned out to be just that. The book mentioned Kok Boru, or Kokpar, as one of Central Asia’s traditional games. I searched for it on YouTube and found a video of it being played at the World Nomad Games. I thought, what on earth are the World Nomad Games? I did more research, looked at some of the sports, and saw that the Games lined up perfectly with when I was hoping to travel to Central Asia. Initially, we planned to go as spectators, but then I saw that you could apply to participate. Because my friends and I had a tug-of-war background at university, we thought we’d apply, see what happened, and hope for the best. What drew us to competing was the chance to learn about and embrace nomadic culture, which we didn’t really know much about. We are quite open-minded people, so we were excited to learn from different cultures and see what we could take from them. Each “Stan” is completely different, which made the region even more attractive to us. Kyrgyzstan has its beautiful mountains, Uzbekistan has its amazing mosques, Kazakhstan has the great steppes - Mangistau is incredible - and Tajikistan has the Pamir Highway. There was a real draw for us in the unknown. TCA: What was it like being the flagbearer for the UK team at the Kazakhstan Nomad Games in 2024? Sam Pollard: It was undoubtedly the...

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Turkmenistan Sets New Rules for Mobile Devices in Schools

In 2020, Turkmenistan’s schools banned the use of mobile phones during classes. Now the government has introduced new rules regulating the use of portable devices in academic settings, seeking to use them as learning tools while addressing concerns about distraction and other potentially negative effects on students. A Ministry of Education order recognizes the value of mobile devices in education, saying they must provide access to learning resources, including multimedia content, and help students organize files that contain textbooks, courses, and other materials in electronic form. The devices must improve “the quality of educational management, especially in educational systems that do not have access to an internet connection,” the order says. However, the ministry order urges educational institutions to be aware of “the potential harm to students' health of small-screen mobile devices that limit the types and amounts of information,” the need to provide storage for mobile devices and the fact that bandwidth capacity decreases when a lot of users connect to the wireless network. It also mandates “ethical rules” that are designed to avoid disruption – setting devices to “silent” or “flight” mode and barring video, photo or audio recordings of students and teaching staff without their permission. The ministry issued the order on May 19 and the Ministry of Justice registered it in early June. In a report in March, UNESCO said that global monitoring showed that 114 education systems had a national ban on mobile phones in schools, representing 58% of countries worldwide. That was a significant increase over 40% in 2025 and just 24% in 2023, according to the U.N. cultural agency. “The growth reflects mounting concerns about declining attention in classrooms, cyberbullying, and the broader influence of digital environments on children,” UNESCO said. But it noted that the global picture was nuanced, with not all countries opting for full bans and instead establishing policies that govern the use of mobile devices in schools. The agency said that the various approaches to mobile device usage in schools show that “countries are still searching for the right balance between limiting distraction and teaching responsible technology use.” Turkmenistan’s new order applies to smartphones, tablets, laptops, smartwatches, and other personal electronic devices, and comes amid wider school digitalization efforts. The country maintains tight controls over internet access and online content.

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Opinion: Data Sovereignty Will Decide Central Asia’s Critical Minerals Moment

The critical minerals conversation across Central Asia still too often begins in the wrong place: with what lies beneath the ground. It should begin with who controls the knowledge of what lies beneath it. For more than a century, the resource bargain usually ran in one direction. Foreign companies arrived with the instruments, surveys, and models. Host governments arrived with the territory. The resulting terms were often shaped by information asymmetry: not only who owned the rock, but who owned the data about the rock. That asymmetry is easier to narrow than it used to be. Airborne geophysical surveys, satellite-based mapping, modern geochemistry, and national geological databases can now give governments a clearer picture of their mineral endowment before the first serious investor meeting. The decisive question is not simply whether data can be generated. It is who owns it, who validates it, and who is allowed to use it when concessions, joint ventures, and infrastructure commitments are being negotiated. Capital is the reason this matters now. Critical minerals are no longer a specialist mining issue; they sit at the center of debates over energy security, electric vehicles, grid infrastructure, semiconductors, and defense supply chains. The IEA's Global Critical Minerals Outlook 2025 tracks how demand and supply are shifting across copper, lithium, nickel, cobalt, graphite, and rare earth elements. The U.S. C5+1 Critical Minerals Dialogue and the EU's strategic partnership with Kazakhstan show that Central Asia is already part of this conversation. But attention is not the same as leverage. Governments that negotiate from outdated maps, fragmented archives, or company-controlled exploration data will struggle to turn geopolitical interest into durable national benefit. They may still attract investors, but they will be negotiating through someone else's lens. A country that arrives at the table with modern, independently verifiable geological intelligence has more options. It can better value concessions, compare competing proposals, set clearer environmental and infrastructure expectations, and decide which resources are strategic enough to develop slowly rather than quickly. Data does not guarantee a good agreement. It does make a bad agreement harder to excuse. This is sovereignty in a practical form. The point is not to close the door to foreign capital or technical expertise. Central Asia will need both. The point is to ensure that the public side of the table has a master copy of the evidence. When the state owns the underlying data, investors can still compete on capital, technology, processing capability, logistics, and market access. What they should not control is the government's basic understanding of its own resource base. There is also a diplomatic dimension. The Minerals Security Partnership Forum is built around responsible, diverse, and resilient value chains, with Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan among its members. For Central Asian governments, that creates an opening to ask not only who will mine, but who will build capacity - and who will leave the country with stronger institutions than before. Geological data, mining cadastres, processing plans, environmental baselines, and contract terms are all part of the...

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ILO Urges Turkmenistan to Abolish Cotton Quota System

The International Labour Organization (ILO) has again criticized Turkmenistan over the continued use of forced labor in its cotton sector, calling on the country to dismantle its state-imposed cotton quota system and submit a detailed progress report by September 1. The call followed discussions at the annual International Labour Conference in Geneva, where the ILO’s Committee on the Application of Standards reviewed Turkmenistan’s compliance with Convention No. 105 on the Abolition of Forced Labour. This was the fifth time Turkmenistan’s implementation of the convention had been examined by the committee. The country ratified the convention in 1997, but concerns persist over the mobilization of public-sector employees for the annual cotton harvest. Turkmenistan’s delegation was led by Khalbibi Tachjanova, deputy minister of Labour and Social Protection of Population, who reaffirmed the country’s commitment to the convention and outlined reforms introduced in recent years. Tachjanova cited amendments to the Labor Code imposing a full ban on child and forced labor, as well as a draft presidential decree intended to explicitly prohibit any form of coercion during the cotton harvest. According to Tachjanova, labor inspectors carried out 3,867 inspections in 2025, identifying violations in 2,352 cases and imposing 3,040 administrative sanctions. She also said wages in the sector had doubled between 2023 and 2024 as part of the reforms. Yusup Gylychdurdiyev, a senior official from the Union of Industrialists and Entrepreneurs of Turkmenistan, spoke for employers. He said the country’s 340 dehkan farmer associations were gradually moving into private management structures and argued that private businesses lacked the administrative tools to coerce workers. Mekan Ovezov of the National Trade Union Center spoke for workers and cited cooperation between trade unions, government agencies, employers, and the ILO, as well as training and labor rights programs. However, labor and employer representatives on the ILO committee gave a far more critical assessment. Canadian labor lawyer Jackie VanDerMeulen, speaking for employer members, noted that the ILO had already issued observations on Turkmenistan’s cotton sector nine times. She said that despite some positive changes, the 2025 monitoring results showed serious violations remain. Stephen Russell, representing the United Kingdom’s Trades Union Congress, said labor rights abuses persist and pointed to the lack of independent public monitoring mechanisms and the absence of independent trade unions in the country. The findings show that Turkmenistan remains under international scrutiny over one of its most important export industries. Observers continue to call for changes in a sector long associated with state-driven labor mobilization.