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Jackson-Vanik Repeal Gains Momentum as U.S. Courts Central Asia

For many years, U.S. relations with Central Asia were primarily political in nature, while economic ties developed slowly. However, in the past year, engagement has intensified significantly, with recent agreements suggesting the U.S. is poised to strengthen its economic presence in the region. A recent statement by U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio reinforces this outlook. Calls to repeal the outdated Jackson-Vanik trade restrictions have been framed by U.S. officials as a way to facilitate trade with Central Asia and strengthen U.S. energy security. The Jackson-Vanik Amendment The Jackson-Vanik Amendment, enacted in 1974, restricts trade with countries that limit their citizens’ right to emigrate. At the time of its passage, Central Asia was still part of the Soviet Union. The amendment prohibits granting most-favored-nation (MFN) status, government loans, and credit guarantees to countries that violate their citizens’ right to emigrate, and allows for discriminatory tariffs and fees on imports from non-market economies. The amendment was repealed for Ukraine in 2006, and for Russia and Moldova in 2012. However, it remains in effect for several countries, including Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan, which continue to receive only temporary normal trade relations. In May 2023, a bill proposing the establishment of permanent trade relations with Kazakhstan, which included repealing the Jackson-Vanik Amendment, was introduced in the U.S. Congress. A follow-up bill with similar provisions was submitted in February 2025. Then-nominee and now Secretary of State Marco Rubio previously noted that some policymakers viewed the amendment as a tool to extract concessions on human rights or to push Central Asian states toward the U.S. and away from Russia. However, he characterized such thinking as outdated, stating that, “In some cases, it is an absurd relic of the past.” Rubio has consistently supported expanding U.S. ties with Central Asia. Expanding Cooperation In 2025, relations between the U.S. and Central Asia deepened significantly, particularly with Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan, which are seen by analysts as the primary beneficiaries of this cooperation. In late October 2025, U.S. Deputy Secretary of State Christopher Landau and U.S. Special Representative for South and Central Asia Sergio Gor visited Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan. One of the year’s major events was the Central Asia-U.S. (C5+1) summit held in Washington on November 6. Leaders of the five Central Asian states met with President Donald Trump and members of the U.S. business community. Uzbekistani President Shavkat Mirziyoyev also met with U.S. Senator Steve Daines, co-chair of the Senate Central Asia Caucus, with both sides focusing heavily on economic cooperation. At the summit, Uzbekistan finalized major commercial agreements with U.S. companies, including aircraft orders by Uzbekistan Airways and deals spanning aviation, energy, and industrial cooperation. Kazakhstan signed agreements worth $17 billion with U.S. companies in sectors including aviation, mineral resources, and digital technologies. This included a deal granting American company Cove Kaz Capital Group a 70% stake in a joint venture to develop one of Kazakhstan’s largest tungsten deposits, an agreement valued at $1.1 billion. Further agreements were signed on critical minerals exploration. Kazakhstan and the...

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Kazakhstan and Israel Deepen Cooperation in Astana

Israeli Foreign Minister Gideon Sa’ar’s official visit to Astana on January 27, 2026, was the first by an Israeli foreign minister to Kazakhstan in 16 years, and it yielded a package of institutional and economic steps. President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev received Sa’ar and Foreign Minister Yermek Kosherbayev, holding talks that both sides framed as elevating cooperation to a new level. The two foreign ministries signed documents on diplomatic training and public diplomacy, and agreed to pursue visa-free travel for holders of ordinary passports. A Kazakhstan–Israel business forum convened in parallel, with January–November 2025 trade of about US$162.4 million cited as the baseline for expansion. The visit’s value lay in its forward-looking measures to deepen cooperation. The sides agreed to convene the Kazakhstan–Israel Joint Economic Commission at a ministerial level. This move creates a regular venue where sector priorities can be translated into specific workstreams. The Kazakhstan–Israel business forum was framed as the practical feeder for that process, as both sides publicly identified a project map running from high-tech agriculture and water-resource management through digital technologies (including artificial intelligence) to infrastructure and logistics, energy efficiency and renewables, and healthcare and pharmaceuticals. In parallel, the two foreign ministries’ political consultations, in their twelfth round, covered wider international and regional agendas, including Middle East confidence-building and peaceful-settlement initiatives. Regularizing Cooperation Channels The documents signed in Astana were narrow-gauge instruments designed to regularize contacts. The memorandum on diplomatic training provides for structured interaction in the preparation of diplomatic personnel. What this means in practice is that exchanges between the two foreign-policy services will be routinized through their training institutions rather than on an ad hoc basis. The memorandum on public diplomacy set a framework for coordinated outreach, providing an agreed approach to presenting their cooperation. Taken together, these instruments are the administrative layer that will operationalize joint political intent. The visa initiative was narrowly framed as a statement of intent to conclude a visa-exemption agreement for holders of ordinary passports, not as an agreement already in force. In practice, such a regime would lead to higher tourism flows and denser business travel. The latter development would widen the base of commercial contacts, which could in turn be carried into ministerial-level economic follow-up. The visa track is thus an enabling measure for the economic agenda. At the leadership level, Sa’ar publicly invited President Tokayev to visit Israel. This move signals an intent to sustain momentum beyond merely ministerial channels. The visit coincided with International Holocaust Remembrance Day in Kazakhstan, and Sa’ar participated in a state ceremony in Astana connected to the commemoration. The ceremony included senior officials and diplomatic representatives, with official messaging from Tokayev to Israel’s president on the occasion. The civic and humanitarian nature of this event complemented a visit that otherwise concentrated on governance mechanisms, economic priorities, and institutionalizing diplomatic follow-through. First Steps Toward Joint Projects Beyond merely listing priority sectors, the business forum also surfaced first-step commercial and quasi-commercial documents providing a basis for follow-through. Kazakhstan’s investment agency reported three signed items:...

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Unbent, Unbowed, Unbroken: The Art of Saule Suleimenova

“I’m a very emotional person,” says artist Saule Suleimenova with a bright, open laugh from her home studio in Almaty. Widely recognized as one of the most significant Kazakh artists working today, Suleimenova’s spontaneity and passion emerge clearly as the artist lightens up when talking about the joy and necessity of making work, when she excavates memories of the early days of making art, or when suddenly, she grows gloomy, remembering some of the most painful moments in the history of her country. Behind her back stands a large canvas, where translucent elements, almost resembling stained glass from a distance, slowly reveal themselves as fragments of discarded plastic bags fused together through heat and a whole lot of patience. Born in 1970, Suleimenova has developed a practice that spans painting, drawing, photography, and public art, consistently navigating the delicate and often hard to define boundary between personal memory and collective history: “I feel my personal life can’t be detached from politics and everything that happens around me,” she says, embodying, in a way, a motto from the seventies: “the personal is political.” Suleimenova was an early member of the Green Triangle Group, an experimental artist collective known for its avant-garde and punk-influenced art, which emerged during the Perestroika era and the collapse of the USSR, playing a significant role in revolutionizing contemporary art in Kazakhstan. Today, she is working mostly with archives, vernacular imagery, and the visual language of contemporary urban space. In her work, she investigates how narratives are formed, distorted, and even rewritten over time, particularly within the historical and political context of Kazakhstan. An example is her ongoing series, Cellophane Paintings, composed entirely from used plastic bags, transforming everyday waste into luminous, layered pictorial fields that hold together subjects as vast as socio-political trauma, from the Kazakh famine of 1930–1933, human rights violations, Karlag, one of the largest Gulag labor camps, and the Uyghur genocide. Those heavy themes are associated with some that are more intimate: family members, flowers, and cityscapes. Suleimenova is currently participating in the Union of Artists at the Center of Modern Culture Tselinny in Almaty (15 January – 19 April 2026), curated by Vladislav Sludsky, an exhibition reflecting on artistic partnerships as systems of survival in a region where art historically survived through shared spaces and personal alliances between artists, rather than institutional support. The Times of Central Asia spoke to Suleimenova about memory, material, and the ways personal experience and political history converge in her art. [caption id="attachment_42718" align="aligncenter" width="2500"] From the series, One Step Forward[/caption] TCA: Your recent work at the Bukhara Biennial, Portraits of the people of Bukhara, was made from polyethylene bags collected by the community itself. Can you tell me how your work on this project took shape? Suleimenova: From the beginning, the work was meant to be collaborative with local artists or artisans rather than something already finished and brought from outside. I decided to collaborate with a folk ensemble of Bukhara women - the retired performers...

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Kazakhstan-Based Actor Nyshanbek Zhubanaev on His Journey, Faith, and the Future of Cinema

Nyshanbek Zhubanaev is a professional actor, a graduate of the T.K. Zhurgenov Kazakh National Academy of Arts, and a rising star of series such as Sheker, 1286, and Munai. His path into acting, however, did not begin with red carpets or casting calls, but at a phosphorus plant. Taking a leap of faith to escape a life he describes as scripted by others, Zhubanaev pursued his childhood dream with persistence and conviction. In an interview with The Times of Central Asia, he reflects on his first steps in cinema, the role of faith, inner conflict, and why, for him, humanity matters more than talent. TCA: Your popularity came with the web series Sheker 2, 1286, and Munai. Two of them are set in the 1990s. Why do you think this decade continues to fascinate directors? Zhubanaev: It was a time of contrasts and complexity. When people say Munai romanticizes crime, I feel they’ve missed the point. It’s not about crime, it’s about the clash of personalities and how the oil business emerged in our country. The 90s serve as a backdrop. And in cinema, atmosphere is half the battle. As an actor, I want to be part of projects where that atmosphere is palpable. Whether it’s the 90s or another era doesn't matter. What matters is telling strong, vivid stories. TCA: What themes do you feel are missing in Kazakh cinema today? Zhubanaev: Our cinema is still developing, and there’s so much left to explore. People often say we lack films about love and relationships. We do have them, but not the kind you want to talk about seriously. And love is one of the hardest topics to portray, it leaves you no room to hide behind genre, action, or style. It demands talent. I read a lot, and I’m constantly amazed by the richness of Kazakh literature and history, and how little of it we bring to the screen. Take Mukhtar Auezov’s Karash Okigas, it’s a ready-made screenplay. During Soviet times, Kyrgyz director Bolotbek Shamshiyev adapted it, but today it deserves a modern retelling. TCA: You often cite literature as a source of cinematic inspiration. Zhubanaev: Absolutely. Look at Remarque’s All Quiet on the Western Front. Its recent film adaptation won an Oscar, though I found the film debatable. We have our own counterpart, Kazakh Soldier by Gabit Musrepov. Why not adapt that with a modern cinematic language? I also love the works of Beimbet Mailin. He’s an incredibly cinematic writer who remains relevant today. His Shuganyn Belgisi, written nearly a century ago, still speaks to issues like equality and the role of women in traditional society. As far as I know, Akan Satayev is currently preparing a film adaptation of Mailin’s Kulpash, the story of a woman who takes a desperate step to save her family during a famine. It’s powerful, dramatic material. The problem isn’t a lack of themes, it’s about who tells the story and how. You can create a visually perfect film and still fail...

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Opinion: Central Asia–Japan Summit Signals Shift in Eurasian Geoeconomics — and Russia’s Waning Role

In December 2025, Tokyo hosted the first leaders-level Central Asia + Japan summit — a watershed moment for Eurasian diplomacy that quietly reshapes the region’s strategic architecture. The declaration adopted at the summit lays out a clear economic-geostrategic vision: Japan is no longer a peripheral partner, but a central engine of multi-vector engagement with Central Asia. In the process, it exposes a growing gap in Russia’s regional influence — not because of rhetoric, but because of substance. Japan’s Agenda: Economy, Connectivity, Human Capital The Tokyo Declaration pivots on three pragmatic pillars that align tightly with Central Asian development priorities: Green growth and sustainability - decarbonization, energy security, and climate resilience; Connectivity - transport, logistics, customs facilitation, and digital corridors; Human resource development - education, training, exchanges, and technology transfer. This is not diplomatic abstraction. It reflects Japan’s long-term model of engagement: concessional finance, technology cooperation, and capacity building rather than quick geopolitical wins. In practical terms, there is now a numerical investment target - a combined public-private cooperation envelope of three trillion yen (approximately $20 billion) over five years -marking a shift from consultative dialogue to project delivery at scale. Importantly, the summit also reinforced cooperation in emerging domains such as artificial intelligence, digital transformation, and resilient supply chains - areas where Central Asia aims to leap ahead rather than merely catch up. This underscores how cooperation is being framed: not as charity, but as co-production of future-oriented infrastructure and capabilities. The significance of the summit lies not only in the declaration itself, but in the trajectory it has set for Japan–Central Asia engagement in the months ahead. What This Means for Russia: Substance Trumps Symbolism At first glance, Russia’s absence from explicit mention in the declaration may seem benign; after all, engagement with external partners often requires diplomatic balance. Yet silence in this case is meaningful. For decades, Russia’s influence in Central Asia was rooted in security ties, historical institutions, and energy networks. These were powerful structural levers in the twentieth century, but they are increasingly less relevant in an era defined by diversified markets and technological competition. The Tokyo summit highlights several structural realities: Russia does not offer a comparable economic agenda, particularly in green technologies, digital infrastructure, or human capital development. Russia’s model remains reactive, centered on existing corridors and legacy links rather than on new corridors of integration connecting Central Asia with Asian and European value chains. Russia is overweighted in traditional domains such as security and media presence, yet underweighted in economic agency suited to the twenty-first century. By contrast, Japan’s approach addresses precisely the gaps Central Asian states prioritize: employment, logistics, energy transition, and technological self-sufficiency. Even more strikingly, this shift is occurring without anti-Russian rhetoric. The summit was framed as an exercise in cooperation and development, not rivalry. Nevertheless, the outcomes effectively relegate Russia to the background — a clear indicator of the structural erosion of Moscow’s regional primacy. Multi-Vector Policy in Practice: Central Asia’s Agency For Central Asian states, the Tokyo summit...

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Astana–Israel Talks Span Technology, Trade, and Holocaust Remembrance

Kazakh President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev met Israeli Foreign Minister Gideon Sa’ar in Astana on January 27, marking the first official visit by an Israeli foreign minister to Kazakhstan in almost 16 years, and underscoring Astana’s stated interest in deepening economic and technological cooperation with Israel as it continues to recalibrate its foreign policy. According to the Kazakh presidential administration, the talks focused on expanding bilateral relations across trade, investment, science, and technology, with both sides emphasizing practical areas of cooperation. The visit came as Kazakhstan seeks to diversify its economy beyond hydrocarbons and strengthen partnerships with countries at the forefront of applied innovation. Tokayev said the visit demonstrated Israel’s commitment to strengthening comprehensive cooperation with Kazakhstan, while discussions highlighted concrete sectors for collaboration, including artificial intelligence, agrotechnology, water resource management, and digital governance. These areas align closely with Kazakhstan’s national development priorities, particularly its focus on digital transformation, public-sector reform, and productivity-driven growth. Economic cooperation featured prominently throughout the visit. A Kazakh-Israeli business forum was held alongside the high-level talks, aimed at translating diplomatic engagement into commercial outcomes. Kazakhstan’s Foreign Ministry said the forum is expected to support new investment partnerships and initiate joint projects in high-value sectors, with a focus on technology transfer and localized projects. Kazakh officials said bilateral trade reached $162.4 million between January and November 2025, with exports totaling $92.1 million and imports $70.3 million. While modest in absolute terms, the figures were cited as evidence of untapped potential, particularly in non-resource sectors where Israeli companies have global expertise. As part of the discussions, Kazakhstan invited Israeli firms to participate in national digital transformation initiatives, including projects related to e-government, data-driven public services, and digital infrastructure. Officials cited Kazakhstan’s recent progress in digital governance and public-sector innovation as a foundation for expanded cooperation. Kazakhstan and Israel established diplomatic relations in 1992, shortly after Kazakhstan gained independence. Israel opened its embassy in Almaty in 1996, while Kazakhstan inaugurated its embassy in Tel Aviv in 2000, laying the groundwork for steady but largely low-profile bilateral ties. Political relations have traditionally been pragmatic, with cooperation focused on trade, agriculture, healthcare, and education rather than formal alliances. Bilateral trade has remained modest, reflecting limited commercial engagement beyond specific sectors such as agrotechnology, pharmaceuticals, and water management. In recent years, Astana has shown growing interest in Israel’s applied innovation ecosystem, particularly in areas aligned with Kazakhstan’s domestic reform agenda, including digital governance, artificial intelligence, and public-sector modernization. Israeli firms have previously participated in pilot projects and advisory initiatives in Kazakhstan, though large-scale joint ventures have been limited. Kazakhstan has also positioned itself as a neutral diplomatic actor in the Middle East, maintaining relations with Israel while emphasizing interfaith dialogue and mediation. Beyond economic ties, the talks also addressed regional and international issues, including developments in the Middle East and Kazakhstan’s diplomatic positioning in support of the objectives underpinning the Abraham Accords framework. Sa’ar welcomed Kazakhstan’s engagement, describing it as a constructive contribution to dialogue and cooperation between Israel and Muslim-majority countries. Sa’ar...