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Organization of Turkic States

Meeting of the Organization of Turkic States Held in Baku

On April 2, Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev met with participants of a meeting of the heads of government of the Organization of Turkic States (OTS) in Baku, outlining key areas of cooperation. Among those attending were Turkish Vice President Cevdet Yılmaz, Uzbek Prime Minister Abdulla Aripov, Kazakh Prime Minister Olzhas Bektenov, Kyrgyz Prime Minister Adylbek Kasymaliev, Deputy Chairman of the Cabinet of Ministers of Turkmenistan Nokerguly Atagulyev, Prime Minister of the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus Unal Ustel, and OTS Secretary General Kubanychbek Omuraliev. Opening the meeting, Aliyev stressed the importance of dialogue. “This meeting of the heads of government of the Organization of Turkic States is being held in Baku. I warmly welcome you all,” he said. According to Aliyev, such meetings allow not only for the discussion of economic issues but also for reaffirming unity among member states. He noted that cooperation within the organization remains a priority of Azerbaijan’s foreign policy. He also reiterated a key message that ran throughout his speech: “We have repeatedly stated from various platforms that the Turkic world is our family; we have no other family,” Aliyev said. Special attention was devoted to economic cooperation. According to the president, trade between member states is growing, and investment volumes are increasing. He noted that Azerbaijan has invested more than $20 billion in the economies of OTS member states. Most of this has been directed to Turkey, though investment activity is expanding elsewhere. In particular, joint funds have been established with Uzbekistan, Kazakhstan, and Kyrgyzstan to support project implementation. Aliyev also thanked partners for their participation in the reconstruction of Karabakh. Facilities built with the support of OTS countries are already operational in the region, including the Mirza Ulugbek School, the Kurmangazy Children’s Creative Center, and the Manas School. In addition, a garment factory has been opened in Khankendi with the participation of Uzbekistan. He also highlighted mutual support among member states. Following the earthquake in Turkey, Azerbaijan financed the construction of the “Azerbaijani Quarter” in Kahramanmaraş, valued at $100 million. Transport and logistics projects were another key topic. According to the president, infrastructure development remains a top priority. These include the Middle Corridor, the Trans-Caspian route, and the Zangezur Corridor, all of which are gaining importance in the current geopolitical environment. Aliyev said that infrastructure within Azerbaijan is largely complete. Railways, the Baku port, highways, and airports are operational. Construction of the Zangezur Corridor is also progressing, with the highway nearly 90% complete and the railway approximately 70% complete. He also noted the construction of the Kars-Nakhchivan railway line in Turkey, which is expected to enable a new international route with an initial capacity of about 15 million tons of cargo. In conclusion, Aliyev said these projects are aimed not only at serving regional interests but also at expanding international transport connectivity. He expressed confidence that the meeting would contribute to the further development of the OTS and strengthen cooperation among member states.

Freedom in the World

Central Asia Pushes Back on “Not Free” Label as Debate Over Rankings Grows

According to Freedom House’s Freedom in the World 2026 report, all five countries in Central Asia are classified as “Not Free.” Nevertheless, governments in the region are increasingly questioning the impartiality of such assessments. At the same time, some regional experts point to ongoing political and economic reforms as signs that the region is making progress. A “Not Free” Region In its report released on March 19, 2026, Freedom House classifies all five Central Asian states as "Not Free." The designation is based on Freedom House’s assessment of political rights and civil liberties. According to the report’s authors, the ranking reflects pressure on independent media, tightening control over civil society, and the absence of genuine political competition. Kazakhstan received 23 points out of 100. The report highlights restrictions on opposition groups and civil society activists, pressure on independent journalism, and tightly managed elections that do not ensure genuine political competition. Kyrgyzstan, long considered the most politically open country in the region, scored 25 out of 100 and was also classified as “Not Free.” The organization says the score fell by one point from the previous year, reflecting continued pressure on independent media, the designation of several outlets as ‘extremist,’ and criminal cases against journalists, alongside concerns about election integrity. Uzbekistan scored 12 out of 100. Freedom House points to the concentration of power in the executive branch, the absence of a genuine parliamentary opposition, and severe restrictions on independent human rights defenders and journalists. Since President Shavkat Mirziyoyev took office in 2016, Uzbekistan has pursued a series of controlled political and economic reforms aimed at opening the country after decades of isolation. These have included currency liberalization, efforts to end the use of forced labor in the cotton sector, and steps to ease restrictions on business and foreign investment. While critics say political liberalization remains limited, supporters argue the reforms mark a significant shift from the policies of the previous era. Tajikistan received just 5 points. The report highlights the long rule of President Emomali Rahmon, the elimination of legal opposition, systematic persecution of its members and their families, and a de facto lack of electoral competition. Turkmenistan recorded one of the lowest scores globally, with just 1 point. The report describes the country as one of the most repressive in the world, citing total state control over political life and the media, the absence of opposition participation in elections, and harsh punishment for dissent. Turkmenistan remains one of the most closed countries in the world, with extremely limited access for foreign media and independent observers. Political life is tightly controlled, and reliable information about internal developments is scarce. While the authorities have signaled gradual generational change following the 2022 transfer of power to President Serdar Berdimuhamedov, there has been little visible shift in the country’s political system. Impartiality in Doubt? Trust in international assessments has also been affected by developments in U.S. foreign aid policy and a wider shift in global perceptions about the appropriateness of Western-linked organizations categorising...

India

India–Central Asia: Connectivity, Security, and Sustainable Partnerships in a Multipolar World

A widening conflict in West Asia is forcing India and Central Asia to reassess trade routes, diplomacy, and regional security, with key projects such as Iran’s Chabahar port now facing growing uncertainty. These risks framed discussions in New Delhi on March 25–26, where experts gathered under the banner of “India–Central Asia: Connectivity, Security, and Sustainable Partnerships in a Multipolar World,” with The Times of Central Asia in attendance. The conference unfolded against the backdrop of two active Eurasian wars—the Russo-Ukrainian and the Israel/U.S.-Iran conflict. Central Asian and Indian participants agreed that the West Asian crisis is widening, putting not only ports and logistics routes but also economies across the globe under serious threat. India's Chabahar link to Afghanistan and Central Asia is now a high-risk, uncertain investment, weakening overall continental strategic thinking across Eurasia, including efforts to consolidate new trans-Caspian trade corridors. If the conflict cripples or destroys Chabahar, years of progress, hard-won partnerships, and millions in strategic investment would be erased. On the sidelines, some participants suggested that India could help cool what's becoming a dangerously global conflict. Unbeknownst to them, India had already held an all-party meeting on March 25 on the West Asia crisis. External Affairs Minister S. Jaishankar's message: India will not mediate. The revelation surprised some participants—others, not at all. In any event, Central Asian states, in principle, have backed any diplomatic push for peace. With West Asia in turmoil and platitudes in abundance, conference participants emphasized the need to rethink geopolitics, trade, security, and cultural ties beyond stale frameworks at a time of conflict. Four themes defined the Central and South Asian moment: the dangers of bloc politics, even as regional organizations continue to evolve and expand their influence, the ascendancy of national interests over external pressure, and the emergence of a firm refusal to pick sides in the midst of frictions between competing global pressures. Dr. Raj Kumar Sharma, a member of the India Central Asia Foundation, stated: “The conference provided an important platform to move beyond theoretical discussion and toward practical engagement. With Central Asia’s ambassadors to India present, we focused on exploring concrete mechanisms to promote peace through sustained diplomatic efforts. Despite the proximity of the conflict in West Asia to both Central Asia and India, participants expressed confidence that dialogue and restraint – buttressed by trade and investment – will ultimately guide outcomes, with particular concern for civilians and those enduring hardship. Notably, the crisis did not overshadow the conference’s primary agenda or its scholarly contributions. Overall, the gathering can be seen as a constructive step in reinforcing diplomatic initiatives dedicated to peace and stability in a conflict-affected region.” The conference witnessed the release of three significant publications on India–Central Asia relations: India – Kazakhstan Partnership in a Changing Geopolitical Order (eds. Ramakant Dwivedi, Lalit Aggarwal, Kuralay Baizakova), Manas: Kirgiz Vir Gatha Kavya by Ramakant Dwivedi & Hemchandra Pandey and India and Central, East and Southeast Asia: Enhancing the Partnership (eds. Ramakant Dwivedi & Lalit Aggarwal). [caption id="attachment_46364" align="aligncenter" width="1379"]...

Oil Imports

Georgia May Replace Russian Oil with Imports from Turkmenistan and Kazakhstan

Georgia’s only oil refinery, owned by Black Sea Petroleum (BSP), plans to completely stop importing Russian oil and instead switch to crude supplies from Turkmenistan and, potentially, Kazakhstan. This was announced by the company’s CEO, David Potskhveria. According to Potskhveria, the shift would not only diversify supply sources but also open access to European markets. “We will completely replace Russian oil with Turkmen oil, and then with Kazakhstani oil. This will give us the opportunity to export products to the EU,” he said. The rationale is straightforward: imports of Russian petroleum products into the European Union are currently prohibited. Maintaining previous supply arrangements would effectively block access to European markets. However, switching suppliers presents logistical challenges. As Potskhveria noted, processing of Turkmen crude can begin only after transit issues through Azerbaijan are resolved. For now, logistics remain the main bottleneck. While the refinery is technically ready, implementation depends on securing reliable transport routes. The proposed move away from Russian oil follows earlier developments. In late February, the EU considered including the Kulevi port on a preliminary sanctions list due to its import and processing of Russian crude. The trigger was a shipment delivered in October 2025 by Russneft, involving approximately 105,000 tons of oil to the port of Kulevi. The shipment prompted criticism from the Georgian opposition, which accused the authorities of undermining the sanctions regime and appealed to European institutions. The Kulevi refinery is a relatively new entrant to the regional oil market. It began operations in December last year and has already outlined expansion plans. Its current processing capacity is around 1.2 million tons per year, with plans to increase this to 4.5 million tons. At present, the facility produces fuel oil, diesel, and other petroleum products. Future plans include expanding output to Euro-5 standard gasoline, jet fuel, and Eurodiesel. BSP’s international partners reportedly include Trafigura and Saudi Aramco.

Trade

Uzbekistan and Russia Focus on Trade and Transit at Termez Meeting

Uzbekistan and Russia used a conference in Termez on March 30–31 to highlight the breadth of their relationship, from trade and industrial projects to transport links and regional planning. The meeting was organized by Uzbekistan’s Institute for Strategic and Regional Studies and Russia’s Kremlin-linked policy forum, the Valdai Discussion Club. Participants included Russian Deputy Foreign Minister Mikhail Galuzin, Uzbek Deputy Foreign Minister Bobur Usmanov, ISRS director Eldor Aripov, Russian Ambassador Alexei Yerkhov, and other Uzbek and Russian officials, analysts, and business representatives. The meeting comes at a time of shifting regional dynamics, as Central Asian states recalibrate ties with Russia while managing new economic and political pressures from multiple directions. Termez sits by the Friendship Bridge on Uzbekistan’s border with Afghanistan and has become one of Tashkent’s main platforms for trade, logistics, and diplomacy aimed southward. The conference program focused on transport, infrastructure, interregional ties, and industrial cooperation, so the location matters. This aligns Uzbekistan’s relationship with Russia with a wider push for new routes across Eurasia and toward South Asia. The economic backdrop is also substantial. Official Uzbek figures put bilateral trade with Russia at around $13 billion in 2025, making Russia Uzbekistan’s second-largest trading partner after China. Uzbek reporting says that trade has grown sharply since 2017, with Russian investment in Uzbekistan approaching $5 billion. Officials have described the relationship as moving beyond simple trade toward industrial cooperation, technological partnerships, and longer value chains. The conference emphasized the growing role of direct regional links. Uzbek officials highlighted more than 200 regional initiatives worth over $4 billion and identified Tatarstan as a key partner in industry, petrochemicals, engineering, information technology, and education. Projects linked to the Himgrad industrial park model and branches of Kazan Federal University in Uzbekistan show how cooperation now extends through regions, universities, and industrial zones, not just central governments. Energy remains a key part of the relationship. As previously reported by The Times of Central Asia, on March 24, Uzbekistan and Russia advanced work on Uzbekistan’s planned nuclear power project in the Jizzakh region. Uzbekistan’s nuclear agency, Uzatom, and Russia’s Rosatom signed new documents and began initial concrete works for a small-capacity unit, describing the step as moving the project into a new implementation phase. Transit formed another major part of the agenda. Uzbek reporting states that participants discussed modernizing northern routes and developing a southern route through Afghanistan toward ports on the Indian Ocean. This fits Uzbekistan’s longer effort to turn Termez into a logistics hub for Afghan and South Asian trade. The city hosts the Termez International Trade Center, designed to simplify border trade and business access. The timing also reflects wider regional pressures. TCA previously reported that the war involving Iran is placing a strain on southern routes and increasing the importance of alternative corridors. In that context, a Russia–Uzbekistan meeting focused on trade and transport in Termez underscores how both countries are linking bilateral cooperation to shifting regional logistics. The meeting in Termez did not produce a major treaty or a...

Security

Global Terrorism Index: Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Turkmenistan Show Zero Risk of Terrorism

The countries of Central Asia are among those least affected by terrorism globally, according to the newly published Global Terrorism Index 2026 report. However, the report suggests that the region’s stability is increasingly influenced by external factors, particularly its proximity to Afghanistan. Country scores are a composite measure made up of four indicators: incidents, fatalities, injuries and hostages. To measure the impact of terrorism, a five-year weighted average is applied. The main concentrations of terrorist activity remain in Africa and South Asia. The overall level of terrorism worldwide declined in 2025, although the nature of the threats became more complex and less predictable. The report indicates that no terrorist incidents were recorded in Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, or Turkmenistan, who all scored 0 for terrorism risk, placing them all joint 163rd out of the 163 nations researched. Uzbekistan (95th) remains in the minimal-risk category. Tajikistan is the only country in the region with a higher threat level, ranking 41st globally. Central Asia’s relative stability is attributed to several factors, including robust security measures, the absence of active armed conflicts, and the limited presence of international terrorist organisations. Despite relative internal stability, risks to Central Asia are increasingly emerging from outside the region. The report highlights growing activity by extremist groups in Afghanistan and Pakistan, as well as worsening relations between the two countries, which could potentially escalate into open conflict by 2026. Particular concern is focused on the Tajik-Afghan border, where structural vulnerabilities persist. In addition to external pressures, experts are drawing attention to internal dynamics. The report notes an acceleration of radicalisation, particularly among young people, with digital platforms and online content playing a significant role.