• KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00196 -0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10899 -0%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 -0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28490 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00196 -0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10899 -0%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 -0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28490 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00196 -0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10899 -0%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 -0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28490 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00196 -0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10899 -0%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 -0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28490 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00196 -0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10899 -0%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 -0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28490 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00196 -0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10899 -0%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 -0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28490 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00196 -0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10899 -0%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 -0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28490 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00196 -0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10899 -0%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 -0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28490 0%
08 December 2025

South Korea to Support Air Quality Improvement in Kyrgyzstan

The Korea International Cooperation Agency (KOICA) has launched a major initiative to improve air quality in Kyrgyzstan, with a particular focus on the capital, Bishkek.

On August 20, Bishkek hosted the signing ceremony for the Record of Discussions between KOICA and the Ministry of Natural Resources, Ecology, and Technical Supervision, marking the official start of the Air Quality Improvement Project in the Kyrgyz Republic.

The event was attended by Kim Kwang-jae, Ambassador of the Republic of Korea to the Kyrgyz Republic; Meder Mashiev, Minister of Natural Resources, Ecology, and Technical Supervision; and Lim So Yeon, KOICA Country Director in Kyrgyzstan.

According to KOICA, the project will run through 2028 with a budget of $10 million. It aims to enhance Kyrgyzstan’s capacity to respond to climate change and improve urban air quality.

Air pollution is a persistent challenge in Bishkek, home to over one million residents. The situation worsens during winter when widespread coal use for heating sharply increases harmful emissions. Bishkek frequently ranks among the world’s top 10 most polluted cities on IQAir’s global air quality index.

Key components of the project include:

  • Phased implementation of air pollution mitigation measures in Bishkek
  • Development of a “Comprehensive Air Quality Management Plan for 2028-2038”
  • Pilot introduction of green heating systems (heat pumps) in public educational institutions

The project plans to install heat pumps in approximately 30 schools and kindergartens in the Chui region, which includes Bishkek. This initiative is expected to benefit an estimated 2.3 million residents by creating a healthier and more comfortable environment.

At the launch event, Ambassador Kim highlighted the urgency of the initiative: “The issue of air quality is of particular concern in Bishkek, and it is important to address it. We look forward to the successful implementation of the project and continued collaboration with the Ministry.”

KOICA Country Director Lim added: “We hope these efforts will lead to tangible results in combating climate change and improving public health, serving as an important example of international cooperation.”

Minister Mashiev expressed gratitude to KOICA, which has operated in Kyrgyzstan for over a decade: “We highly value our cooperation with the government of the Republic of Korea and intend to continue developing our relations.”

South Korean involvement in environmental initiatives in Kyrgyzstan has expanded in recent months. Efforts include promoting eco-friendly transport and reducing emissions in major urban centers.

The Public-Private Partnership Center under the National Investment Agency of Kyrgyzstan, together with OJSC Chakan HPP and South Korea’s BLUE NETWORKS CO., LTD., a company specializing in EV charging infrastructure, has agreed to establish a local manufacturing facility and roll out a nationwide EV charging network.

In June, Kyrgyzstan’s Ministry of Economy and Commerce also signed a memorandum of understanding with South Korean firms EVSIS, NGS, and the Korea Automobile Environment Association to develop EV charging infrastructure in Bishkek.

Kazakhstan Establishes New Nature Reserve in Zhambyl Region

The Merke Regional Nature Park has been established in Kazakhstan’s southern Zhambyl region. Granted the status of a protected natural area, the park aims to preserve the unique ecosystems of the foothill and mountain zones of the Western Tien Shan.

Covering 86,632 hectares, Merke is home to rare and endemic species, including snow leopards, argali sheep, Indian porcupines, and Turkestan lynxes.

The park also opens avenues for developing ecotourism, environmental education, and inclusive community engagement in sustainable land use. Future plans include infrastructure development, job creation, and the implementation of scientific and educational programs.

Its establishment was made possible through strong collaboration among government bodies, scientific institutions, local communities, and international partners, including the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP).

“UNDP supports Kazakhstan’s efforts to expand its protected area system and strengthen environmental policy at the regional level. Merke Park is a strong example of how local initiatives contribute to global biodiversity goals and climate resilience,” said Katarzyna Wawiernia, UNDP Resident Representative in Kazakhstan.

As part of ongoing cooperation between Kazakhstan and the UNDP, ten new specially protected natural areas have already been created nationwide, including the Akzhayik, Altyn-Dala, and Ile-Balkhash nature reserves, as well as the Buyratau, Zhongar Alatau, and Tarbagatai national parks. Additionally, six existing protected areas have been expanded.

For the first time, Kazakhstan has also established the Kapshagay-Balkhash and Yrgyz-Torgay-Zhylanshyk ecological corridors, spanning 2.9 million hectares, to safeguard the migration routes of rare animal species.

The Forgotten Aral Sea That Holds the Key to Our Planet’s Future

The drying of the Aral Sea is the worst environmental tragedy I have ever seen with my own eyes. Once a vast inland sea, shimmering and alive, it has now withered into patches of salt-crusted desert, where rusting ships lie stranded and winds carry toxic dust across the land.

For me, the Aral’s decline is not just a local crisis but a mirror of our broader failures to protect nature. And as I look at the globe today, I see another unfolding catastrophe of equal or even greater scale: the rise of the seas, the surge in tsunamis and cyclones, and the slow drowning of coastal cities. What connects these tragedies is our failure to understand the balance of water on this planet, and our inability to act before the damage becomes irreversible.

The Aral Sea was once the world’s fourth-largest inland lake, covering over 68,000 square kilometers. Situated between northern Uzbekistan and southern Kazakhstan, it supported millions of people with its fisheries, fertile lands, and unique ecosystem. The Amu Darya and Syr Darya rivers sustained it for centuries. But during the Soviet era, these rivers were diverted on a massive scale to irrigate cotton fields.

At first, the shrinking of the Aral was gradual. Then, over the decades, it became catastrophic. More than 90% of the Aral Sea has disappeared. Today, the once-mighty expanse has been reduced to just 3,500 square kilometers, scattered into four smaller lakes.
The consequences are heartbreaking. The fishing economy collapsed, agricultural land turned barren, and the rich biodiversity of the region has been pushed to the edge of extinction. The exposed seabed, laced with salt and pesticides, has become a toxic dust bowl, carried by winds across Central Asia, poisoning crops and human lungs alike.

Villages that once lived by the water’s edge are now stranded dozens of kilometers from the shore. I have walked across that dead seabed and seen children playing where fishing boats once floated. It is a ghostly, painful reminder of how quickly human choices can destroy nature’s gifts.

The Aral is often described as one of the world’s greatest environmental tragedies, yet so few people outside the region even know it happened. In the global imagination, it is almost forgotten, and that silence is itself a tragedy. For me, however, it has remained a wound, a constant reminder that ecological damage once done is almost impossible to undo. Restoration projects exist, but they move slowly, too slowly for a sea that once teemed with life.

While I mourn the Aral, I cannot ignore the other side of the planet’s water crisis. Even as one great body of water has disappeared, the oceans are swelling. Sea levels are rising at an accelerating rate, fueling tsunamis and cyclones that now strike more often and with greater intensity. Where the Aral vanished through human mismanagement of rivers, the oceans rise because of another kind of mismanagement: decades of greenhouse gas emissions and our failure to protect glaciers and ice sheets.

Throughout most of the twentieth century, the average global sea level rose at about 1.4 millimeters per year. But from 2006 to 2015, this rate jumped to 3.6 millimeters annually, and it continues to accelerate. I have spent more than three decades advocating for the preservation of glaciers, which are one of the key drivers of sea-level rise as they melt. I tried my best to protect them, to sound the alarm, to urge action. But after all these years, nothing substantial has been achieved. The ice continues to disappear, and the oceans creep higher, swallowing coastlines inch by inch.

The impacts of rising seas are profound. A rise of just one foot may sound modest, but a single foot of sea-level rise can flood neighborhoods, destroy wetlands, and make once-rare storm surges a regular occurrence. Drainage systems fail, rivers back up, and floods spread even far inland. Coastal homes and businesses suffer damage, transportation systems falter, and economic stability is threatened. For some communities, flooding will become permanent; for others, fertile wetlands will simply be lost to open water.

The cities most at risk are among the largest in the world. In the United States, New York and Miami are already struggling with “sunny-day flooding,” where high tides alone can inundate streets. In Asia, megacities like Shanghai, Bangkok, Kolkata, Mumbai, and Dhaka face even greater peril. Their sheer size and population density mean that millions could be displaced, with trillions of dollars in infrastructure and assets at risk. These are not hypothetical dangers—they are happening already.

The rising seas also amplify natural disasters. Just three weeks ago, tsunami waves struck parts of Russia, Japan, and the United States after a massive earthquake off Russia’s coast, with alerts spreading across Latin America, Asia, and the Pacific. Scientists have long warned that higher seas give every tsunami and cyclone greater destructive power. Storm surges push farther inland, waves rise higher, and damage multiplies. Cyclones, fed by warmer waters, are becoming stronger and more frequent, transforming once-rare disasters into routine occurrences.

As I reflect on these global events, I cannot help but see a connection between the Aral’s disappearance and the swelling seas. On the surface, they seem like opposites—one a vanishing body of water, the other an overabundance. Yet in truth, they are both symptoms of the same problem: human disregard for the planet’s natural balance. The Aral vanished because rivers were mismanaged, diverted without thought for consequences. The seas are rising because the atmosphere has been overloaded with emissions, melting glaciers that once held the world’s waters in check. Both crises teach us that delay is deadly and that the costs of inaction are unbearable.

For decades, I have thought about solutions—not just small ones but bold, technical steps that match the scale of the problem. And one solution, discussed as early as Khrushchev’s era and again in the 1980s, still strikes me as both possible and necessary. This is the idea of diverting part of Russia’s great north-flowing rivers, such as the Ob and the Irtysh, southward into Central Asia to replenish the Aral Sea.

At present, these mighty rivers flow into the Arctic Ocean, dispersing with little benefit to human societies. Redirecting part of their waters toward Central Asia could serve multiple purposes at once. It could revive the Aral Sea, breathing life back into ecosystems, economies, and communities. It could stabilize the Central Asian climate, reducing toxic dust storms and desertification.

By providing reliable water sources, it could lessen dependence on melting glaciers, which in turn would help slow sea-level rise globally. And indirectly, by stabilizing glaciers and easing water stress, such a project could reduce the risks faced by coastal cities, which are now on the frontlines of climate change.

Of course, this would not be simple. Diverting rivers on such a scale would require vast investment, unprecedented international cooperation, and careful ecological planning. Critics rightly point out that interfering with natural rivers carries risks of its own. Yet when I weigh those risks against the alternative—the loss of entire coastal megacities, the displacement of hundreds of millions, the irreversible drowning of human history—the choice becomes clearer. We cannot afford to do nothing.

Standing on the dry floor of the Aral, I realized I was looking not just at a tragedy of the past, but at a warning for the future. The Aral was once written off as unsalvageable, and today we hear similar whispers about cities like Miami or Dhaka—that saving them may be impossible. But such fatalism is dangerous. It paralyzes us at the very moment when action is most needed. If we learned anything from the Aral Sea, it is that the costs of waiting are catastrophic.

I have lived long enough to see both a sea vanish and oceans rise. These are not abstract lessons but lived experiences, etched into the land and into human lives. They tell us that our relationship with water—whether rivers, lakes, glaciers, or seas—defines the fate of our civilizations. If we continue on this path, the future will be one of drowned coasts and vanished lakes. But if we act boldly, with vision and determination, we can still alter that course. Diverting rivers, investing in resilience, preserving glaciers, cutting emissions—these are not just technical challenges, but moral imperatives.

Now is the moment for decisive global leadership. The world cannot afford to treat rising seas, devastating tsunamis, cyclones, and torrential rainfalls as isolated disasters. They are symptoms of a deeper crisis, one that demands bold and immediate action. If Donald Trump truly wishes to protect the United States from the billions in annual losses caused by cyclones and the kind of torrential rainfall that devastated Los Angeles this year, then he must recognize that the fight against sea-level rise begins not just on American shores, but in Central Asia. The most practical and impactful solution lies in reviving the Aral Sea by implementing the plan that Soviet scientists and planners first proposed in the 1980s: diverting water from Russia’s north-flowing rivers, such as the Ob and the Irtysh, into the Aral Sea first.

This is not merely a regional project; it is a global lifeline. By refilling the Aral Sea, we preserve glaciers, stabilize the climate, and slow the relentless rise of the oceans that threaten to submerge our cities. I hope that in the next high-level talks, President Trump, President Putin, and the United Nations Secretary-General will sit together, not as rivals but as stewards of humanity’s future, and commit to this urgent task. The time has come to act with courage and vision. The world must refill the Aral Sea first if we are to protect our coasts, our cities, and our future generations from the menace of rising seas, tsunamis, cyclones, sea storms, and torrential rainfall.

Tokayev in Bishkek: Deals, Diplomacy, and a Golden Bridge

Kazakh President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev arrived in Kyrgyzstan on 21 August for an official visit that rolls into a full day of talks in Bishkek on 22 August, including a session of the Supreme Interstate Council. The Kyrgyz capital implemented rolling traffic restrictions around motorcade routes, a sign of how tightly choreographed the program is. The visit’s centerpiece is a Tokayev–Japarov meeting in both narrow and expanded formats, alongside a packed slate of bilateral events that underscore deepening political, economic, and cultural ties between the neighbors.

Tokayev’s schedule blends state protocol with public-facing diplomacy. Alongside presiding over the seventh meeting of the Supreme Interstate Council, the two leaders are set to unveil the “Golden Bridge of Friendship” monument in Bishkek’s Yntymak Park – an attempt to give symbolic form to a relationship both sides have labored to institutionalize over the past two years. The program is also set to include the inauguration of the Consulate General of Kazakhstan in Osh, the launch of a branch of L.N. Gumilyov Eurasian National University in Kyrgyzstan’s south, the third Kyrgyz-Kazakh Youth Forum, and Days of Kazakhstan Cinema – events designed to anchor cooperation beyond chancelleries and boardrooms.

This public show of diplomacy is being matched by concrete steps. The new Consulate General in Osh is intended to smooth consular services, support cross-border business, and expand cultural ties in a region where Kazakh–Kyrgyz trade and travel flows are accelerating. Central government, city, and regional officials joined Kazakh diplomats at the ribbon-cutting, underscoring the practical, day-to-day value for citizens who live and work across the southern corridor.

Optics aside, the substance is in the talks. Astana and Bishkek have spent the last 18 months upgrading their legal architecture. In April 2024, the presidents signed a Treaty on Deepening and Expanding Allied Relations, moving the relationship beyond the basic language of partnership and into a framework that touches upon security, transport, energy, agriculture, and cultural cooperation. Kazakhstan’s Parliament later approved, and the president signed implementing legislation, putting the allied-relations commitments on a firmer legal footing domestically. This trip is widely viewed in both capitals as a chance to translate that framework into specific projects – some of which are already in motion.

Trade and connectivity top the economic agenda. Bilateral trade hit roughly $1.7 billion in 2024, and both governments have repeatedly floated a target of $3 billion within the decade. The composition of flows is familiar: Kazakhstan ships metals, grain, fuels, and construction materials, while Kyrgyzstan supplies gold, coal, light-industry goods, and services. Reaching the next rung, however, will require more predictable border procedures, harmonized standards, and dedicated logistics capacity – areas where ministerial roadmaps are already in circulation.

Energy and water cooperation is the other pillar. Kyrgyzstan’s Kambarata-1 hydropower project – envisioned as a 1,860 MW plant on the Naryn River – has become a regional test case for practical integration. Since mid-2024, Kyrgyzstan, Kazakhstan, and Uzbekistan have built a joint track with the World Bank and other partners to complete feasibility work, structure financing, and coordinate future operations. With winter electricity deficits and summer surpluses a recurring headache across Central Asia, Tokayev’s support for Kambarata-1 is as much about smoothing seasonal exchanges and future swaps as it is about kilowatt-hours.

For Kyrgyzstan, the benefits of closer alignment are palpable at the human level. The Youth Forum and Cinema Days draw students, creatives, and entrepreneurs into the relationship, helping seed the soft infrastructure, personal networks, and trust that make formal agreements stick. For Kazakhstan, the Osh consulate and university branch extends its institutional footprint into a region central to transit and trade with China and Uzbekistan, and to emerging Trans-Caspian corridors that now carry growing volumes westward via Azerbaijan and Türkiye.

The precise talking points in Bishkek track longstanding friction points. Businesses on both sides have asked to streamline sanitary and phytosanitary controls, digitize paperwork, and standardize AEO (Authorized Economic Operator) recognition to cut border waiting times. Officials also want to codify predictable, rules-based responses to episodic bottlenecks, whether caused by weather-related closures on the Caspian, maintenance and congestion at key crossings, or temporary curbs on sensitive goods. The Supreme Interstate Council format gives the presidents a way to push these fixes across ministries at once, then assign deadlines. A public accounting of such deadlines has been a hallmark of Tokayev’s bilateral diplomacy in the region and is likely to surface in the joint communiqués.

This week’s program also highlights the role of symbolic venues. Tokayev began his visit with a wreath-laying at the Ata-Beyit memorial complex outside of Bishkek, which commemorates victims of Stalin-era repression and honors the writer Chingiz Aitmatov – names and places woven into shared Soviet and post-Soviet memory. The symbolism matters: the presidents are pairing concrete deliverables with gestures meant to signal reconciliation with a difficult shared history and respect for each other’s national narratives.

Why now? The near-term answer is that both economies are growing and increasingly intertwined with new east–west and north–south routes; the strategic answer is that Astana and Bishkek are locking in redundancy. As Central Asia recalibrates around sanctions frictions, supply-chain shocks, and sharper great-power competition, the neighbors are building options – multiple corridors across the Caspian and Caucasus, southward access via Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan, and smoother intra-EAEU movements where the rules are clear. Kyrgyzstan’s south – Osh, Jalal-Abad, and Batken – sits astride feeder lines to both China and Uzbekistan, making day-to-day consular and educational infrastructure there a practical enabler of larger trade goals.

If there is a theme to this visit, it is institutional maturity. The allied relations treaty signed in April 2024 gave both sides a common language to troubleshoot frictions and scale successes; the consulate, university branch, youth forum, and film days translate that language into services and communities. The Supreme Interstate Council, meanwhile, is the steering wheel, an annual venue where leaders can measure progress against long-stated aims such as the $3 billion trade goal, and adjust course accordingly. Joint statements are therefore likely to emphasize border facilitation, energy cooperation – with Kambarata-1 front and center – and cultural and educational ties, with timelines duly attached.

Nigora Fazliddin: The Social Media Storyteller Bringing Life in Tajikistan to the World

For all its beauty and Silk Road history, Tajikistan remains one of the least visited countries on earth. Life in its epic mountain ranges is rarely captured by photographers, and documentary films are few and far between – mainly half-hearted vlogs by the foreigners who pass through on the Pamir Highway. But in recent years, one Tajik filmmaker and travel influencer has made it her mission to show both her own people and the wider world what makes her homeland so extraordinary.

Nigora Fazliddin, a former journalist from Dushanbe, is part of a new generation of creators using social media to bridge cultural distances. Posting simple videos and photographs from her journeys in Tajikistan, she captures the landscapes and communities that outsiders, and even many Tajiks, rarely get to see. “This love I have for our land – its wild beauty, its silence, its soul – I try to share with others,” she tells The Times of Central Asia.

“On X I mostly reach an international audience, since it’s not very popular in Tajikistan. But on Instagram, it’s a different story. That’s where Tajiks find me, and where I find them.”

Image: Nigora Fazliddin

One of her favorite discoveries, she says, is Shirkent National Park in the south-west of the country, where fossilized dinosaur footprints mark the earth. “It gives you goosebumps to stand there and imagine creatures walking those same paths millions of years ago,” she adds.

Then there are the Pamirs, often called “the roof of the world.” At 7,495 meters, Peak Somoni attracts mountaineers from Central Asia and further afield. The region is also home to the rare Marco Polo sheep and shaggy yaks, which are found only here. But what lingers most for Fazliddin is not the challenge of climbing or the sight of wildlife, but the solitude of valleys so remote that no car can reach them.

She also cherishes journeys into the Yaghnob Gorge, where people still live as their ancestors did. There she met a shepherd in his seventies, Mirzoali, who has spent four decades with his flock among the peaks. “He told me, “I’ve been a shepherd for 40 years – and I never get tired of it.’” His secret? Clean air, peace, a healthy routine – and living in the mountains year-round. That’s the kind of wisdom you can only find in the mountains,” she says.

Image: Nigora Fazliddin

What Fazliddin shares online is more than travel content. For many Tajiks, especially those in cities, her images bring new perspectives to familiar places. “My Instagram has become like a mirror where people can see themselves, their roots, and the beauty they grew up with – but may have never really looked at,” she explains.

The responses have been moving. Her social media followers now invite her to visit their villages. For Fazliddin, these moments confirm that her work is worth doing: “It makes me feel like what I do matters – even in small ways.”

Surprisingly, she says, being a woman filmmaker in a patriarchal country like Tajikistan has not brought any resistance. Instead, “people welcome the content that I share. I think people see the sincerity behind my simple reels, and they feel proud.”

Image: Nigora Fazliddin

Tajikistan is among the countries most vulnerable to climate change. Its glaciers, which supply water to millions across Central Asia, are melting at an alarming rate. For Fazliddin, this crisis underscores the potential power that her storytelling carries.

“Climate change is no longer a distant threat – it’s here, and Tajikistan is already feeling its impact,” she says. “Through our lenses, we don’t just see the problem – we feel it.” For her, filmmaking and photography are not just creative pursuits but forms of activism, connecting communities across borders. “A single image of a disappearing glacier, a dried-up riverbed, or a farmer struggling with drought can move people in ways statistics never will.”

Image: Nigora Fazliddin

Despite her passion, Fazliddin is candid about the challenges of working in Tajikistan’s small travel media community. Funding is scarce, with global grants shrinking. “As a result, this important format is slowly becoming less popular,” she says.

Instead, Tajik filmmakers often turn to feature films and fictional YouTube series, which resonate more with local audiences and can be monetized more easily. Yet Fazliddin remains committed to her solo documentary projects. It is about preserving heritage, raising awareness, and ensuring that Tajikistan’s myriad stories are not forgotten.

Kyrgyz President Denounces “Politicized” Sanctions on Banks

President Sadyr Japarov has sharply criticized the United States and United Kingdom for imposing what he has called unfounded sanctions on Kyrgyz financial institutions, urging Western leaders to stop “politicizing the economy.” In an interview with state news agency Kabar, Japarov defended two state-owned banks – Keremet Bank and Capital Bank – against allegations that they helped Russia skirt international sanctions, insisting that no evidence of violations has been presented. Neither the UK nor the U.S. has provided a single fact of violation… such facts simply do not exist,” Japarov said, dismissing the sanctions as politically motivated.

UK and U.S. Target Kyrgyz Banks for Russia Sanctions Evasion

Japarov’s comments come after a new wave of Western measures targeting Kyrgyzstan’s banking and crypto sectors for purported links to Russian sanctions evasion. On August 20, London sanctioned Kyrgyzstan-based Capital Bank – along with its director, Kantemir Chalbayev – alleging the bank was being used by Moscow to pay for military goods as part of a “convoluted scheme” to evade sanctions. The British authorities also blacklisted two Kyrgyz cryptocurrency exchanges – Grinex and Meer – that ran the infrastructure for a new rouble-backed crypto coin called A7A5, which moved an estimated $9.3 billion in just four months and was “intentionally created to evade sanctions.”

The UK’s sanctions minister, Stephen Doughty, warned that “laundering transactions through dodgy crypto networks” would not soften the blow of Western sanctions.

These steps followed a U.S. Treasury designation in January 2025 against Keremet Bank, a mid-sized Kyrgyz lender, for creating a hub for trade payments that helped Moscow evade restrictions. U.S. officials allege that Keremet Bank facilitated cross-border transactions for Russia’s sanctioned Promsvyazbank and even sold a controlling stake to a firm linked to a pro-Kremlin oligarch – moves Washington viewed as part of a secret channel to re-export dual-use goods and finance Russia’s defense sector. Those actions marked one of the first instances of Western “secondary sanctions” against Central Asian entities – penalties on third-country institutions accused of abetting a sanctioned nation’s activities.

Kyrgyz Government’s Defensive Measures

President Japarov contends that Kyrgyzstan has been proactive in compliance and that the West’s suspicions are misplaced. He noted that 21 banks operate in Kyrgyzstan, and authorities deliberately limited all Russian rouble transactions to just two state-controlled banks to shield the rest of the financial sector from any inadvertent sanctions breach. “To prevent any of them from falling under sanctions, we decided that only the state-owned Keremet Bank would work with the Russian rouble… All operations are under state control, and the income goes directly to the state treasury,” Japarov stated.

Earlier this year, the government expanded this approach by channeling rouble remittances and payments through Capital Bank, which was brought under 100% state ownership in April. The National Bank of Kyrgyzstan ordered that all cross-border transfers in roubles – including the billions of roubles sent home by Kyrgyz migrant workers each day – be processed exclusively via Capital Bank. Kyrgyz officials argued this centralization was meant to “ensure transparency of financial flows and minimize sanctions risks” under state oversight.

Western regulators, however, have viewed these measures with suspicion. The UK’s sanctions announcement asserts that Russia “turned to the Kyrgyz financial sector” and “opaque financial networks” (including crypto conduits) to bypass sanctions. In Washington’s view, Kyrgyzstan’s state banks became conduits for illicit finance: the U.S. Treasury reported that after Russia invaded Ukraine, a firm associated with Moldovan oligarch Ilan Shor – a fugitive under U.S. sanctions – purchased a controlling stake in Keremet Bank, allegedly to create a sanctions-evasion hub.

The British authorities similarly signaled their concern that Capital Bank might be following “the same path” as Keremet, pointing out that Chalbayev was formerly a top executive at Keremet Bank. Notably, the UK’s latest sanctions also targeted Altair Holding (a Luxembourg-registered company tied to Shor that had acquired a stake in Keremet, underscoring London’s focus on any Shor-linked networks in Kyrgyzstan.

Japarov: No Evidence, Calls Western Claims Unfounded

President Japarov rejects the narrative that Kyrgyz banks are abetting Russia, stressing that neither Washington nor London has provided proof of sanction violations by Kyrgyz institutions. “In January, the U.S. imposed sanctions against Keremet Bank… however, they were unable to provide a single fact confirming this. And they will not be able to, because such facts simply do not exist,” he told Kabar.

Following the U.S. designation of Keremet, Japarov’s government says it sought dialogue and transparency. First Deputy Prime Minister Daniyar Amangeldiev met with U.S. Ambassador Leslie Viguerie in Bishkek and later traveled to Washington, D.C. to engage with the Treasury’s Office of Foreign Assets Control (OFAC) about the sanctions. Japarov recounted that the Kyrgyz side offered to arrange an independent audit of both Keremet Bank and Capital Bank – inviting neutral experts to scrutinize their operations – but the U.S. declined the offer. “We proposed to involve independent audit companies to check… and then make a decision. But they refused,” he said.

According to Japarov, American officials “were unable to present any facts” of wrongdoing even in private, instead telling Kyrgyz envoys only that “we have information.” The president alleges that this unspecified “information” came from questionable sources: “We understand perfectly well where this ‘information’ comes from – it is transmitted by local NGOs and our internal opponents in the form of anonymous denunciations. Sanctions are imposed on the basis of this false data,” Japarov said, suggesting that hostile domestic actors fed Western governments unsubstantiated reports.

The pattern repeated, Japarov says, with the UK’s blacklisting of Capital Bank. “Now, as in the case of Keremet Bank, the UK is imposing sanctions against Capital Bank – and again without a single piece of evidence. Everything is based only on doubts,” he asserted.

The president framed the sanctions as politically driven rather than based on facts, musing as to whether the pressure might be a response to Kyrgyzstan’s rapid economic rise: “Is this connected with the fact that the Kyrgyz economy is developing at a high rate? Our GDP has grown by 11.7%, and we are ahead of the CIS countries. Perhaps this is how they put pressure on us, because large countries are not interested in other countries developing quickly.”

Kyrgyzstan’s economy has expanded robustly in the past two years – by around 9% annually according to official figures – thanks in part to booming re-exports and inflows from Russia. Japarov insinuated that Western powers find such success inconvenient: “It is more profitable for them when other countries are dependent and look up to them,” he said, implying that sanctions are meant to keep Kyrgyzstan in check.

Appeals to Western Leaders and Citing “Double Standards”

In an unusual personal touch, Japarov directly appealed to prominent Western politicians to intervene. “I would go to the top leadership of these countries – Donald Trump and Keir Starmer. Maybe they are not getting the message,” he said. “There is no need to politicize the economy.”

Japarov argued that Kyrgyzstan pursues a balanced, multi-vector foreign policy and is seeking cooperative economic ties with both East and West. As evidence, Japarov pointed out that despite the UK sanctioning a Kyrgyz bank, Britain remains a top buyer of Kyrgyz gold – about $1 billion worth each year – and that trade between Kyrgyzstan and Western countries continues in other sectors. He also cited data highlighting ongoing Western commerce with Russia: “In 2024, EU countries traded with Russia for $141 billion, of which $36 billion were imports from Russia. The UK, which imposed sanctions against our bank, itself traded $2.2 billion with Russia in 2024,” Japarov stated. “It turns out that they leave the opportunity to cooperate for themselves, but prohibit others,” he added.

Analysts have also observed that several major economies maintain significant trade with Russia despite sanctions, especially in energy and commodities. By Japarov’s account, this amounts to a double standard. “The attitude you [Western nations] demonstrate is unfair. If you do not trust us, bring your data. Our banks are ready to show all the reports,” he said.

Limited Impact at Home – Pledging Resilience

For now, Kyrgyz officials assert that these sanctions – while diplomatically vexing – have not crippled the local banking system or economy. Both Keremet Bank and Capital Bank continue to operate under the Ministry of Finance’s control, serving clients and processing transactions, albeit now effectively cut off from U.S. dollar and British-linked dealings. Japarov emphasized that everyday life in Kyrgyzstan will carry on as normal despite the Western measures. “We are ready to fulfill international obligations and are doing so. But I will not allow the interests of our citizens and the economic development of the country to be sacrificed,” he declared. Even “under the pressure of sanctions, we will continue to live and work,” Japarov concluded, vowing to safeguard Kyrgyz citizens’ economic interests and avoid any interruption to vital financial flows such as remittances.

Western governments, however, have signaled that they will keep scrutinizing channels that could aid Russia’s war effort. The U.S. and UK moves suggest a broader strategy to tighten secondary sanctions enforcement in Central Asia – essentially warning regional banks, businesses, and even crypto platforms against becoming backdoors for sanctioned Russian entities. This places Kyrgyzstan – closely tied to Russia through trade, migrant labor, and investment, yet also seeking positive relations with the West – in a delicate position. Japarov’s administration has walked a fine line, professing neutrality in the Russia-Ukraine conflict and pivoting to whichever partners can spur development. The showdown over sanctions on its banks highlights the rising pressure on such third countries to police any dealings that might undermine the sanctions regime on Moscow.

 

Editor’s Note: Parts of this article are based on a translated interview with President Sadyr Japarov published by the state news agency Kabar. All trade figures and statements attributed to the president have not been independently verified by The Times of Central Asia.