• KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00195 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10861 0.18%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00195 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10861 0.18%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00195 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10861 0.18%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00195 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10861 0.18%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00195 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10861 0.18%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00195 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10861 0.18%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00195 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10861 0.18%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00195 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10861 0.18%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0%
18 December 2025

Kazakhstan Has No Plans to Privatize Major Oil Refineries

Kazakhstan’s government is not considering the sale of its major oil refineries, despite their inclusion on a national privatization list proposed by the antitrust authority. Energy Minister Yerlan Akkenzhenov announced during a briefing in Astana.

Kazakhstan has three large oil refineries: in Pavlodar, Atyrau, and Shymkent. The Pavlodar and Atyrau plants are fully state-owned through the national oil and gas company KazMunayGas and its subsidiaries. The Shymkent refinery operates as a 50-50 joint venture between KazMunayGas and the China National Petroleum Corporation (CNPC), through the PetroKazakhstan Group.

In March, the Agency for the Protection and Development of Competition (AZRK) proposed examining options for the partial privatization of the Pavlodar and Atyrau refineries, arguing that the Shymkent plant has benefited from greater efficiency through private sector involvement. In November, both state-owned refineries were listed among 473 entities marked for potential privatization, with a target date of 2028.

However, Akkenzhenov clarified that listing an asset on the privatization map does not imply any active plans for its sale.

“This is not true; there are no negotiations at the government level today,” he said. “The Agency for the Protection and Development of Competition is operating within its mandate to foster a competitive environment. But this does not mean the state intends to sell the refineries.”

He emphasized that the refineries are among the country’s most profitable strategic assets, and concerns that they might be sold “for a song” are unfounded. The minister noted that proper valuation methods, such as property value or EBITDA multipliers, would guide any assessment of the assets.

“For example, EBITDA multiplied by a factor of five. So, claims that these assets would be sold cheaply are incorrect. Overall, I want to confirm that we are not going to sell them,” he said.

As previously reported by The Times of Central Asia, Kazakhstan is exploring foreign investment opportunities for a planned fourth major oil refinery, a project aimed at increasing domestic processing capacity amid rising fuel demand.

Kazakhstan Launches Smart City Project in Taldykorgan

The Taldykorgan City Administration (akimat), Kazakh telecommunications company ASTEL, and French Internet of Things (IoT) solutions developer Actility have signed a memorandum of cooperation to implement a Smart City project in the town of Taldykorgan.

The initiative, based on LoRaWAN technology, will establish a comprehensive urban monitoring system aimed at improving city management and residents’ quality of life.

The agreement was signed in Paris during the 16th meeting of the Intergovernmental Commission on Economic Cooperation between Kazakhstan and France.

The project involves deploying a LoRaWAN-based IoT network that will collect real-time data from environmental sensors across the city. This data will feed into a centralized monitoring platform, enabling municipal services to respond swiftly to environmental changes. The initiative also includes urban transport management and measures to enhance safety in schools.

Taldykorgan Governor (akim) Ernat Bazil told The Times of Central Asia that the memorandum represents a key milestone in the city’s digital development strategy. According to Bazil, the project aims not only to introduce cutting-edge technologies but also to deliver tangible improvements for residents, such as better environmental oversight, more efficient public services, enhanced public transport, and safer educational institutions. Full implementation of the Smart City system is scheduled for 2026.

ASTEL President Miras Kasymov said the LoRaWAN-based project in Taldykorgan will serve as a model for scalable smart city solutions across Kazakhstan, marking an important advancement in the country’s digital infrastructure.

The project is supported by the French government’s FASEP program (Fonds d’Études et d’Aide au Secteur Privé) and the French Embassy in Kazakhstan. Actility, a global leader in IoT and LoRaWAN technologies, serves as the technical partner. The company’s platform is currently used in over 70 countries.

Actility CEO Olivier Hersent noted that the Taldykorgan project aligns with FASEP’s goals of promoting innovation in urban safety, environmental monitoring, and sustainable development, particularly in small and mid-sized cities.

French Ambassador to Kazakhstan Sylvain Guillegot said the initiative highlights France’s commitment to supporting digital transformation in Kazakhstan’s regions. He described the project as a concrete example of Franco-Kazakh collaboration in infrastructure modernization and sustainable development.

The system is set to launch in 2026. If successful, it could be replicated in other cities throughout Kazakhstan.

LoRaWAN (Long Range Wide Area Network) is an energy-efficient, cost-effective wireless communication protocol widely used for IoT deployments, especially in smart urban infrastructure projects.

In Turkmenistan, Government Offices Charge Citizens for Blank Sheets of Paper

In government offices across Turkmenistan, the provision of routine documents is increasingly accompanied not only by official service fees but also by unofficial, unrecorded charges. While these corrupt schemes are nominally presented as “paper fees,” in practice they have become an expected and often unavoidable part of the process.

The practice of bribery is not new to Turkmenistan’s public sector. Citizens seeking almost any type of certificate typically pay not only the state-mandated fee but also an unofficial surcharge, money that is not documented on receipts or in public accounts.

A particularly telling example is the issuance of marital status certificates at the Ashgabat Registry Office.

Just a few years ago, such a certificate cost the equivalent of $2.90 and could be processed in two days. Today, the official fee has increased to $4.20. But the total cost is often higher due to what staff describe as a payment for the sheet of paper used in the application process.

The process typically unfolds as follows: visitors are directed by an employee to one of three service windows. There, they are informed of the official fee and instructed where to make the payment. After paying, they return to the same window, where they are handed a blank sheet of paper and asked to sign it, along with a request for an additional $2.90 to cover the application preparation.

Sample application forms are posted on the office walls, and, in theory, visitors could fill out their own forms. However, blank sheets are not made freely available. Those who bring their own paper in advance can complete the process at no extra cost. But most visitors, assuming their official payment covers all necessary services, arrive empty-handed. At that point, they are left with few choices: pay the extra fee, leave the office to find a single sheet of paper, or purchase an entire pack, which can cost up to $26.10, an unreasonable expense for a one-time need.

Given the long queues at the registry office, most citizens choose convenience over principle and pay the additional $2.90. Over time, this has turned informal paper charges into a de facto component of the bureaucratic process.

The total revenue generated through these payments remains unknown and unaccounted for. But for many visitors, the priority is obtaining their documents without further delay. What was once seen as irregular has become normalized, a silent, systemic practice that continues to operate in plain sight, without raising eyebrows.

The Contested Legacy of Kazakhstan’s Independence Day: From Sovereignty to Unrest and Reinvention

On December 16, 2025, Kazakhstan marks the 34th anniversary of its independence. The story of this national holiday mirrors the nation’s own complex path toward sovereignty and statehood.

A Difficult Legacy

On December 16, 1991, Kazakhstan adopted the Law “On State Independence of the Republic of Kazakhstan,” officially becoming the last Soviet republic to leave the USSR. The date came at the tail end of the so-called “parade of sovereignties,” when other republics had already declared independence. This delay led to a popular saying: “Kazakhstan turned off the lights in the USSR.”

In the early years of independence, the holiday was celebrated widely, often with several days off. Yet the date also evokes painful memories. Just five years earlier, in December 1986, the capital city of Alma-Ata (now Almaty) witnessed what are now known as Jeltoqsan köterılısı – the December Events.

On December 16, 1986, the Communist Party of Kazakhstan abruptly dismissed First Secretary Dinmukhamed Konaev and replaced him with Gennady Kolbin, a party official from the Russian city of Ulyanovsk with no ties to the republic. This Moscow-imposed decision sparked protests by students and young people that turned violent. While the full causes and consequences remain partially unexplored, the uprising is widely seen as an early expression of resistance to Soviet central control and the imposition of non-Kazakh leadership.

The protests were brutally suppressed. For several days, unrest continued in the city, with some incidents fueled by ethnic tensions. In the years since, the December Events have become symbolic of both state repression and the early stirrings of Kazakh nationalism.

Because of the proximity of dates, many citizens continue to conflate the date of independence with the December Events. For years, the national holiday was therefore overshadowed by grief and division.

Unrest in the Oil Region

Independence Day was further marred in 2011 by violent unrest in the oil-rich Mangistau region after months of unresolved labor disputes. On December 16 of that year, striking workers from the OzenMunaiGas company in the town of Zhanaozen clashed with police after demanding higher wages. The protests escalated into riots, with government buildings, hotels, and vehicles set ablaze. ATMs were looted, and a state of emergency was declared. Official figures state that about 20 people were killed and over 100 were injured.

The Zhanaozen tragedy underscored deep socioeconomic disparities, particularly in regions rich in resources but lacking infrastructure and basic services.

From Old to New Kazakhstan

Over time, Independence Day became closely associated with unrest and national trauma. Analysts suggest that full investigations into the December 1986 and 2011 events were hindered by the political legacy of Nursultan Nazarbayev, Kazakhstan’s first president. Nazarbayev held senior posts during the Soviet period and later presided over the country during the Zhanaozen crackdown.

In June 2019, Kassym-Jomart Tokayev succeeded Nazarbayev as president and launched a platform of gradual political reform. However, his efforts were reportedly obstructed by entrenched elites aligned with the Nazarbayev era, often referred to as “Old Kazakhstan.”

Public discontent boiled over again in January 2022. Protests that began in Zhanaozen over gas price hikes quickly spread nationwide and were later overtaken by a coordinated attempt to seize power. From January 4 to 7, organized groups attacked state institutions, seizing and burning government buildings, television stations, and Almaty’s airport. The violence left 238 people dead, including 19 law enforcement officers.

In response, President Tokayev invoked the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO), prompting the deployment of troops from Russia, Kyrgyzstan, Armenia, and Belarus to secure strategic sites. By January 8, order was restored. 

Though the unrest occurred in January, the so-called “Qantar” or “Bloody January” remains closely associated in the public mind with Independence Day and the legacy of Old Kazakhstan.

A Shift in National Identity

In 2024, Kazakhstan’s leadership officially shifted the emphasis of the main state holiday calendar from Independence Day on December 16 to Republic Day on October 25. The latter commemorates the 1990 declaration of sovereignty, seen by many as a more unifying milestone. Republic Day is now marked with a three-day public holiday, while Independence Day has been reduced to a single day off.

Analysts view this change as an attempt to reframe the national narrative, away from traumatic anniversaries and toward a more inclusive and forward-looking identity. The repositioning also aligns with Tokayev’s vision of a “New Kazakhstan,” distinct from the contested legacy of the past.

U.S. Transfers Afghan Black Hawk Helicopters From Uzbekistan to Peru

The United States has transferred UH-60 Black Hawk helicopters from Uzbekistan to Peru, as part of a broader strategy for managing military equipment evacuated from Afghanistan following the collapse of the former Afghan government in 2021, Diplomat.uz reported.

The helicopters were initially supplied by the U.S. to the Afghan Air Force and were flown to Uzbekistan by Afghan pilots in August 2021, when the Taliban seized control of Kabul. According to Ukrainian media, the aircraft involved are UH-60A+ Black Hawks that remained outside Afghanistan after the Taliban’s takeover.

Reports indicate that nine Black Hawks were delivered to Peru in 2024. In February 2025, an additional seven helicopters were transferred from Central Asia to the U.S., reflecting Washington’s phased approach to reallocating military assets left abroad after the withdrawal from Afghanistan. Defense experts say these transfers are part of a strategic effort to strengthen the capabilities of U.S. partner countries while resolving the status of equipment no longer operable by the Afghan National Defense and Security Forces.

The Taliban, now in control of Afghanistan, has repeatedly insisted that all aircraft flown out in 2021 remain the property of Afghanistan and must be returned. On September 10, Taliban spokesman Zabihullah Mujahid claimed Uzbekistan had agreed to return 57 helicopters, calling the move a step toward rebuilding the country’s air force and improving bilateral relations with Tashkent.

Uzbekistan’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs swiftly denied the claim. On September 11, ministry spokesperson Ahror Burkhanov stated that reports of an agreement to return the helicopters “do not correspond to reality” and labeled the information as false. Uzbek officials have consistently affirmed that the helicopters are U.S. property and emphasized their role in ensuring the aircraft did not fall into Taliban hands.

According to the U.S. Department of Defense, 46 Afghan military aircraft, including Mi-17 and UH-60 helicopters, as well as PC-12, C-208, AC-208, and A-29 fixed-wing planes, were flown to Uzbekistan in 2021. An additional 18 aircraft were relocated to neighboring Tajikistan.

Analysts say the ongoing redistribution of former Afghan military assets illustrates unresolved legal and political questions over equipment left behind in the wake of the U.S. withdrawal. The issue continues to influence regional diplomacy and international security calculations more than four years after the fall of the Afghan government.

Kyrgyzstan Launches Online Platform for Digital Nomad Applications

Kyrgyzstan has officially launched an online platform allowing foreign citizens to apply for Digital Nomad status, the Ministry of Labor, Social Security, and Migration announced this week. The service is available via the Government Services portal.

The Digital Nomad status grants eligible foreign nationals the legal right to reside in Kyrgyzstan while working remotely. Initially valid for 60 days, the status can be extended for one year and renewed annually for up to 10 years.

Applications can now be submitted entirely online, making the process faster, more secure, and user-friendly. The move is part of the government’s broader digitalization and economic modernization efforts.

The Digital Nomad framework was introduced in November 2024, when President Sadyr Japarov signed legislative amendments establishing a legal basis for foreign professionals working in fields such as information and communication technologies (ICT), software development, creative industries, and other digital sectors.

Those granted Digital Nomad status are exempt from mandatory local registration and may obtain a personal identification number (PIN). They are not required to obtain separate work permits and are permitted to engage in entrepreneurial activity either as individuals or through registered legal entities. Digital Nomads are also eligible to open bank accounts in Kyrgyzstan.

The initiative is designed to attract global talent and foster the growth of Kyrgyzstan’s digital economy. Government officials hope the policy will encourage innovation, create jobs, increase tax revenues, and stimulate tourism.

Neighboring Kazakhstan has launched similar efforts to attract mobile professionals. The country recently introduced a Digital Nomad Visa for IT specialists, offering both single-entry electronic and multiple-entry paper formats.

Kazakhstan also rolled out a Neo Nomad Visa targeting remote workers with a verified monthly income of at least $3,000. Applicants must provide proof of health insurance and a clean criminal record.

With these policy shifts, both Kyrgyzstan and Kazakhstan are positioning themselves as emerging hubs for remote work and digital entrepreneurship in Central Asia.