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In Uzbekistan, Perpetrators of Domestic Violence Against Children Face Tougher Penalties

Uzbekistan has toughened liability for physical abuse of children within the family, actions which can now result in more stringent criminal penalties. President Shavkat Mirziyoyev signed relevant amendments to the legislation, which came into force after being officially published on the website of the national legislation base. The amendments affect the Criminal Code and the Code of Administrative Responsibility, introducing stricter sanctions for domestic violence against children. Child abuse is punishable by fines ranging from $590 to $885, or imprisonment of two to three years. In cases of violence against more than one child, the punishment becomes more severe, with perpetrators facing three to five years in prison. The legislative changes were approved by Parliament in July 2024 and approved by the Senate in September. These measures come as a reaction to increasing cases of child abuse in Uzbekistan. Recently, a woman in Bukhara beat her underage daughters, and a resident of the Shafirkon district was sentenced to three years in prison for abusing her child. Another high-profile case occurred in the Toylok district of Samarkand province, where a man was accused of beating his six-year-old stepson. These cases have attracted significant public attention, prompting the authorities to strengthen legislative measures to protect children from violence perpetrated within family units.

Migrants in the Crossfire: Russia’s Recruitment for Ukraine War Sparks Tensions

Russia’s ongoing “special military operation” in Ukraine has increased the demand for additional forces, and, in response, Russia is increasingly viewing the use of migrants as a good solution to the situation. As of September 1, 2024, official figures state that 3,985,000 citizens of Central Asian countries lived in Russia. Uzbekistan leads the way with over 1,792,000 migrants, followed by Tajikistan with more than 1,231,000, Kazakhstan with 606,900, Kyrgyzstan with 262,800, and Turkmenistan with 92,000. Some Central Asian migrants have signed contracts with the Russian Ministry of Defense to participate in the war, motivated mainly by financial incentives. However, economic reasons are not the only factor driving them to war. People from Central Asian countries who have received citizenship are also being threatened with imprisonment for failing to join the war effort. TCA has previously reported on efforts by officials to recruit young men detained at the Sakharovo immigration processing center to join the Russian army and fight in Ukraine. In addition, a decree issued by Vladimir Putin has simplified the process for foreigners who join the military to gain Russian citizenship. In contrast, Central Asian governments have looked to discourage their citizens from engaging in the conflict. For example, Uzbekistan has warned that any citizen involved in the Russia-Ukraine war will face legal consequences. In October 2023, an Uzbek citizen who fought in Ukraine for financial reasons was sentenced to three years in prison by a Uzbek court. The defendant had returned to Uzbekistan after being wounded in the conflict, and authorities discovered military documents and proof of his Russian citizenship during their investigation. By September 2024, a growing number of Central Asians had perished in the war, including 47 Uzbeks, 51 Tajiks, and 26 Kyrgyz nationals. In Kazakhstan, since 2014, following the start of the war in the Donetsk and Luhansk regions, criminal liability was been introduced for citizens who participate in armed conflicts abroad. A person who commits such an offense can be punished with imprisonment for up to 12 years, face the confiscation of property, and be deprived of their citizenship. For example, in November of last year, a 34-year-old man from Kazakhstan was imprisoned for six years and eight months for participating in the war in Ukraine. Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan have also applied measures involving the deprivation of liberty their citizens who participate in the war. Tajikistan’s economy significantly depends on remittances from labor migrants in Russia, which account for approximately one-third of its GDP. Despite the war in Ukraine, over 1.7 million Tajik citizens sought work in Russia in the first half of 2022. However, reports indicate that many Tajik migrants are being sent to Ukraine against their will, raising concerns. The situation further deteriorated after a terrorist attack at Crocus City Hall in February 2024. Tajik nationals were among the primary suspects, leading to a shift in Russia’s attitude towards Central Asian migrants. Tajikistan’s Foreign Minister, Sirojiddin Muhriddin, expressed concerns over the violations of Tajik citizens’ rights in some CIS countries, calling for a...

Tajik Opposition Calls for Global Action Against Rahmon Regime’s Human Rights Violations

According to Azda TV, the Tajik opposition movement “Reform and Development of Tajikistan” has appealed to the governments of the USA, Canada, the United Kingdom, Norway, and countries of the EU, to support efforts for peaceful and constructive dialogue between the Tajik opposition and President Emomali Rahmon’s government. The movement called the global community to help resolve the crisis in Tajikistan, where Rahmon’s regime targets political opposition, civil society, and independent media. They highlighted human rights violations, including extrajudicial killings, arbitrary arrests, and the persecution of journalists, activists, and lawyers. Sharofiddin Gadoev, the movement’s leader, called for key goals, such as freeing political prisoners, ending the repression of journalists and activists, ensuring free speech, and having an independent press. He also called for laws in Tajikistan to meet international human rights standards and for free, fair elections involving all political groups. In this regard, the movement “Reform and Development of Tajikistan” called on the international community for “coordinated actions to protect human rights and support democratic processes in Tajikistan, as well as to strengthen political pressure on Emomali Rahmon.” The movement has said: “Tajikistan is a country with a young population. For this generation, the absence of democratic alternatives and opportunities leads to the risk of radicalization. This vacuum of democratic choice can be used by extremist groups, which threatens not only Tajikistan but all of Central Asia. The country may be on the verge of destabilization in the ongoing crisis and the lack of effective reforms. This will create a stream of refugees and strengthen extremist movements, which will become a serious challenge in the field of security.” The movement is calling on the International Criminal Court to investigate Rahmon’s regime of serious crimes like torture and disappearances. They have asked for help before, urging the release of political prisoners and an end to repression, but so far, the Tajik government has ignored these calls, and human rights abuses continue.

Tajikistan Court Issues Harsh Sentences to Opposition Group 24 Leader and Associate

A Dushanbe court has handed down sentences to two opposition activists: Sukhrob Zafar, leader of the banned Group 24 (G24), and his associate Nasimjon Sharifov. Zafar was sentenced to 30 years and Sharifov to 20 years in prison. The verdict was announced on October 10 behind closed doors in the Dushanbe pre-trial detention center, and according to Radio Ozodi sources, it fully complies with the state prosecution's request. Official structures still need to confirm this information. Representatives of G24 say the sentences relate to the charges of “calls for violent change of the constitutional order” spread through the Internet. They consider these accusations unfounded and call the case politically motivated. In their opinion, the trial was conducted under pressure from the authorities and was a manifestation of Emomali Rahmon's government's repressive policy. Both activists previously lived in Turkey, where they were hiding from the Tajik authorities. Suhrob Zafar had been there since 2014 and had received repeated threats. He was detained several times at Tajikistan's request but was soon released. Sharifov had also been living in Turkey since 2015 and was detained three times but released each time. In March 2024, they mysteriously disappeared, and only in August it became known that they were taken to Dushanbe, where an investigation against them began. The trial, according to G24 representatives, was yet another example of human rights violations and political repression. The organization claims that the trial was held under tremendous pressure and calls the authorities' actions an act of suppression of dissent. Supporters believe that the repression of activists continues as part of the anti-opposition policy that the Tajik authorities have been pursuing for years. G24 is an opposition organization founded in 2012 by businessman Umarali Kuwwatov, who left Tajikistan after conflicts with the authorities. The movement opposes President Emomali Rahmon's policies, accusing him of corruption and authoritarianism. In 2014, Tajikistan's Supreme Court declared the organization extremist after calls for protests and banned its activities, including websites and publications. The group's founder was killed in 2015 in Turkey, raising suspicions of involvement by Tajik authorities.

Karakalpak Activists Facing Charges in Uzbekistan, Granted Asylum in the United States

The waiting, worrying, and wondering are finally over for four Karakalpak activists who were detained in Kazakhstan some two years ago, and faced possible extradition back to Uzbekistan. Zhangeldi Zhaksimbetov, Tleubike Yuldasheva, Raisa Khudaybergenova, and Ziuar Mirmanbetova received word on October 15 that they had been granted asylum in the United States. It ended more than two years of uncertainty that started with the unrest in Karakalpakstan on July 1, 2022. Karakalpakstan is part of Uzbekistan, but has a special status as a sovereign republic with its own parliament and constitution that allows the region to hold a referendum on seceding from Uzbekistan. Those unique privileges are also enshrined in Uzbekistan’s constitution, but in spring 2022 parliament proposed making amendments to the constitution. The main reason for the amendments was to change the presidential term from five to seven years so that incumbent President Shavkat Mirziyoyev, who was serving his second and constitutionally last term at the time, could extend his stay in power. However, the commission drafting the constitutional changes also dropped the articles referring to Karakalpakstan’s sovereign status and right to secede. Those rights were nominal as there was no chance Uzbek authorities would allow Karakalpakstan to fully govern itself or secede. Karakalpakstan accounts for some 37% of Uzbekistan’s territory, and also has large oil and natural gas reserves that have just started being developed in the past ten years. The special rights Karakalpakstan had might have been nominal, particularly since ethnic Karakalpaks make up only about one-third of Karakalpakstan’s two million inhabitants. But these distinctions, albeit it only on paper, were important to the Karakalpaks, and when the proposed amendments were published at the end of June 2022, tensions started rising immediately in Karakalpakstan. On July 1, Karakalpak community leaders went to apply for permission to hold a public meeting against the planned changes affecting Karakalpakstan. The group’s leader, activist and lawyer Dauletmurat Tazhimuratov, was detained. Word spread and a large group numbering at least several thousand gathered, protesting peacefully outside the administration building in the Karakalpakstan capital, Nukus. When police and security forces attempted to disperse the crowd, violence broke out, and when it was over and order finally restored, at least 21 people were dead and 243 injured. Nearly all the casualties were Karakalpaks, and police and security forces were accused of using unnecessary and indiscriminate force against the protesters. News of the proposed amendments, and the ensuing violence spread to the Karakalpak communities in other countries, notably to neighboring Kazakhstan, where, according to various estimates, anywhere from 50,000 to 200,000 Karakalpaks live. Most have Kazakh citizenship, but some simply work in Kazakhstan and remain citizens of Uzbekistan. Karakalpak activists in Kazakhstan followed events in Karakalpakstan in late June and early July 2022 and posted about it on social networks, sometimes with words of support for the protesters. After Uzbek authorities had restored order in Kazakhstan and arrested more than 500 people, Uzbek officials requested the Kazakh government detain Karakalpaks in Kazakhstan who had been...

Central Asia Finesses Pressure over Russia, Sanctions

Kyrgyzstan says it will cooperate with regional heavyweight Russia despite appeals from some Western countries not to do so. The comment by President Sadyr Japarov of Kyrgyzstan reflects a broader effort by Central Asian countries to balance longstanding economic and security ties with Moscow alongside relationships with Europe and the United States, which have imposed multiple sanctions packages on Russia since its full-scale invasion of Ukraine in February 2022. “Certainly, there are Western countries that ask us not to cooperate with Russia,” Japarov said in an interview with the state-run Kabar news agency that was published on Wednesday. “However, I always openly and sincerely respond to them: ´We cannot refuse to cooperate with Russia. Our trade turnover with Russia exceeds $4 billion. We buy oil, gas, wheat and other foodstuffs from Russia. Geographically, we are in a landlocked area. Our road and rail routes to the world pass through Russia. Russia hosts about a million of our migrants. How can we not cooperate with Russia?”´ Japarov noted that trade between some European Union countries and Russia runs into billions of dollars a year despite sanctions, saying: “When you need it, you cooperate with Russia, but we are not allowed to. This is an unfair demand.” The EU says it has imposed “massive and unprecedented” sanctions on Russia, including travel bans on individuals, asset freezes on individuals and entities and economic measures that target Russia’s financial, trade, energy, transport, technology and defense areas. However, exemptions and loopholes mean that some trade continues, for example allowing EU member states that are especially dependent on Russian crude oil to continue receiving it by pipeline. Czechia has spent more than 7 billion euros on Russian oil and gas, over five times what it has provided in aid to Ukraine, according to a report released this week by the Center for the Study of Democracy, a European public policy institute. Additionally, many analysts have pointed to a surge in European exports to Central Asia and the Caucasus since 2022 as a probable indication that EU and British companies are using the regions as a conduit to send goods to Russia, including at least a portion that are subject to sanctions. The difficulty of tracking products made it hard to confirm any sanctions-dodging, though an analysis of trade data by the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development last year concluded that changes in regional trade patterns “may be used to circumvent economic sanctions but on a limited scale.” At the same time, there have been more reports of banks in Central Asian countries refusing to accept cross-border payments from Russian companies as the United States moved to impose secondary sanctions for doing business with Russian entities. Banks in China, Türkiye and the United Arab Emirates, all big trade partners with Russia, have taken similar action. Kyrgyzstan is not the only Central Asian country that has expressed frustration about Western sanctions. Last year, Kazakh President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev said his country would comply with sanctions against Russia while still...