Kyrgyzstan Features - The Times Of Central Asia

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Startups

How the Kyrgyz Republic’s High Technology Park is Quietly Building a Digital Powerhouse

In an exclusive two-part interview with The Times of Central Asia, Elena Nechaeva, Head of Communications at the High Technology Park of the Kyrgyz Republic (HTP), offers a rare and detailed look into one of Central Asia’s most underreported digital ecosystems. While much attention has been given to the tech potential of Uzbekistan and Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan is quietly and deliberately attempting to build a globally connected digital economy, and, in recent years, it has gone from strength to strength. With deepening links to Silicon Valley and a new generation of ambitious startups and entrepreneurs, the country’s tech talent is emerging as some of the most competitive in the region. In this special series, The Times of Central Asia reveals the start-ups, entrepreneurs, and trends shaping Kyrgyzstan’s regional innovation space and why international investors should start paying attention. TCA: Can you briefly describe the mission and strategic goals of the High Technology Park (HTP)? Elena Nechaeva: The High Technology Park of the Kyrgyz Republic is built on a simple belief: the internet is our ocean. For a landlocked country, digital technologies open limitless space, a borderless world where geography no longer defines opportunity. The High Technology Park was created to help Kyrgyz companies export their talent and products and integrate into the wider global technology economy. As a government-backed organization, our mission is to accelerate the country’s economic growth through IT and to create global opportunities for local talent whilst developing the Kyrgyz Republic as an emerging hub for innovation. In the long term, our strategy is focused on three clear priorities. Firstly, we want to reach $1 billion in annual revenue generated by HTP resident companies. We aim to scale Kyrgyz IT exports by supporting companies with a favorable tax regime. This means 0% VAT, 0% corporate income tax, 0% sales tax, 5% personal income tax, to help them grow internationally. Then, we want to enable the first unicorn startup founded in the Kyrgyz Republic. The High Technology Park supports startups through international programs, accelerators, and a number of global partnerships, allowing them to access networks in Silicon Valley, Europe, and Asia. We have also set an ambitious target to train and empower 50,000 software developers. Developing these skills is perhaps the most important thing that we do. We are working closely with universities, schools, bootcamps, and private EdTech companies to cultivate a new generation of engineers and digitally savvy professionals. [caption id="attachment_40039" align="aligncenter" width="1280"] Image courtesy of The High Technology Park, Kyrgyz Republic @ the 2025 Gitex Expo in Dubai[/caption] TCA: How has the High Technology Park evolved since its inception? What have been the most significant milestones to date? Nechaeva: Since its inception, the High Technology Park has evolved from a small initiative into a fast-growing IT hub. The Kyrgyz tech ecosystem began developing in 2008, originally with the founding of the Kyrgyz Association of Software and Service Developers - the first professional organization uniting the country’s tech companies. This laid the foundation for a specialized IT regime. The...

CSTO

CSTO Faces Uncertain Future as Putin Champions Russian Arms

The session of the CSTO Collective Security Council on November 27 in Bishkek underscored a key reality: the bloc, once envisioned as the “Eurasian response to NATO,” now consists of just five active members. Armenia pointedly boycotted the summit, a gesture that spoke volumes about the alliance’s internal fractures. While the presidents of Kyrgyzstan, Russia, Belarus, Kazakhstan, and Tajikistan discussed “multipolarity” and “security,” Kyrgyz authorities erected a massive LED screen near the presidential residence, conveniently blocking the Ukrainian flag atop the Ukrainian embassy. Officials claimed the move was a “protocol requirement.” Moscow used the summit as a platform to outline its long-term strategic goals for the region, seizing the moment amid Armenia’s absence, growing debate over the CSTO’s purpose, and rising competition from other international security alliances in Eurasia. Yerevan’s decision to skip the gathering is a warning sign for fellow CSTO members. Armenia, having faced a real security crisis, evidently no longer views the alliance as a reliable guarantor. This casts doubt on the CSTO’s ability to adapt to a rapidly evolving regional security landscape, where flexibility, responsiveness, and tangible conflict support are increasingly in demand. In his report, CSTO Secretary General Imangali Tasmagambetov emphasized the bloc’s institutional development over the past three years, expanding collective forces, developing cyber capabilities, and establishing new international roadmaps. He also announced the creation of an Information and Analytical Department, signaling an effort to emulate more sophisticated military-political structures. Yet much of his address echoed the standard talking points delivered at previous summits. Tasmagambetov did address Armenia's absence, stating, “The CSTO respects Yerevan’s sovereign right.” Rather than defusing the issue, this acknowledgment only served to highlight the political rupture. Despite the tensions, CSTO leaders signed a broad set of documents, including a collective security strategy, an anti-drug initiative, and new military cooperation plans, reportedly one of the most comprehensive packages in recent years. Nonetheless, the summit’s spotlight belonged to Vladimir Putin and Alexander Lukashenko. The other leaders appeared relegated to the sidelines, affirming declarations to preserve a fragile collective consensus. Putin’s visit to Bishkek spanned two days, during which his pronouncements effectively became the summit’s agenda. He reiterated that the CSTO is a “guarantor of stability” and proposed equipping the bloc’s collective forces with Russian weapons “proven in combat conditions”, a clear reference to the war in Ukraine, though left deliberately vague. With Russia set to assume the CSTO chairmanship in 2026, the Kremlin appears to be steering the alliance toward deeper military-technical integration. Promoting its weapons to member states not only boosts Russia’s arms industry but also increases CSTO members’ reliance on Russian technologies and command systems. Some analysts suggest Moscow’s chairmanship priorities, from cybersecurity to aerospace defense, reflect an effort to position the CSTO as a counterweight to rival military-political blocs. President Lukashenko of Belarus added a European security dimension to the talks, citing NATO’s growing defense budgets and the military buildup in Poland, Germany, and the Baltic states as justification for reinforcing the CSTO. For Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, and Tajikistan, the...

CSTO

CSTO Signs New Security Roadmap in Bishkek Amid Armenia Boycott and Putin Ukraine Remarks

The Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO) reaffirmed its commitment to regional security and political coordination during its annual summit in Bishkek, Kyrgyzstan, on November 27. Leaders from five of the bloc’s six members - Russia, Belarus, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, and Tajikistan - attended the event and signed off on a series of military, security, and strategic cooperation agreements. Armenia, the sixth CSTO member, boycotted the summit for the second year running, continuing its protest against the alliance’s refusal to intervene during Armenia’s conflict with Azerbaijan, and marking another low in Armenia’s engagement with the CSTO after months of public grievances against the bloc. Despite Yerevan’s absence, the other members adopted a wide-ranging joint declaration reaffirming the alliance’s collective defense commitments and outlining new initiatives to modernize its security framework. Notably, Armenia did not oppose the adoption of the summit documents in its absence. The CSTO, founded in 2002 and led by Russia, has a charter that guarantees mutual defense among members, though the bloc has often struggled to act decisively during regional crises. Still, it remains the only formal security alliance connecting Russia with post-Soviet Central Asian republics. Kyrgyz President Sadyr Japarov hosted the summit, marking the end of his country’s chairmanship. Japarov handed over the role to Russian President Vladimir Putin, who announced that Russia will lead the CSTO in 2026 under the motto “Collective Security in a Multipolar World: Common Goal—Shared Responsibility.” The bloc also appointed Kyrgyzstan’s Taalatbek Masadykov as the next Secretary General. The former deputy head of Kyrgyzstan’s Security Council will begin his three-year term on January 1, 2026. In remarks during the summit, Putin also addressed global concerns about the war in Ukraine, stating that a 28-point peace plan proposed by former U.S. President Donald Trump could serve as a “basis for future agreements.” He added that Russia has no intention of attacking Europe, seeking to dispel fears of escalation while reaffirming Moscow’s security agenda. The summit ended with the adoption of a large number of documents. Among them were a strategy to combat drug trafficking and plans to improve border security, peacekeeping readiness, and anti-terrorism efforts. Russia used the summit to offer CSTO members a rearmament initiative. Putin proposed supplying allies with modern Russian-made weapons that had “proven their effectiveness” in recent conflicts. The offer included expanded cooperation in joint production and training. Military exercises will continue under the newly adopted five-year cooperation plan. In 2025, the CSTO held drills in Kyrgyzstan, Belarus, and Tajikistan under the banner “Indestructible Brotherhood.” The plan outlines regular future training, integration of air defense units, and enhancements to peacekeeping logistics. The alliance also adopted an Anti-Drug Strategy for 2026–2030 and signed a joint resolution to intensify Operation “Kanal,” which targets drug routes through Central Asia. The CSTO committed to upgrading its counterterrorism strategy and enhancing cyber defense capabilities, with Russia proposing broader coordination on information security and biosecurity. Tajik President Emomali Rahmon, meanwhile, used the summit to urge partners to accelerate border security aid along Tajikistan’s porous southern frontier...

Travel

Moldova To End Visa-Free Travel for Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan

Moldova has formally withdrawn from the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) visa-free travel agreement, a move that will introduce visa requirements for citizens of Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan. The Moldovan parliament approved the government’s proposal to terminate the 1992 Bishkek Agreement, according to inbusiness.kz. The CIS, which originally included 11 post-Soviet states upon its creation in 1991, now counts only seven full members. Although Moldova ended its membership in the CIS earlier, it had continued to uphold visa-free travel arrangements with several former Soviet republics, including countries in Central Asia. The new legislation does not affect Kazakhstan or Uzbekistan. Moldovan officials told local media that Chişinău intends to preserve visa-free travel with these two countries through separate bilateral agreements. “For citizens of Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan, the procedure for travel remains unchanged,” Azattyq.org reported, citing Moldovan government sources. In 2024, Moldova also announced plans to open its first embassy in Kazakhstan’s capital, Astana. The new visa requirements apply solely to citizens of Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan, who will now need to obtain visas for work, study, or personal travel to Moldova. Authorities in Chişinău explained that the decision is part of Moldova’s broader effort to align its legal framework with European Union standards. EU regulations require visas for all CIS nationals, and Moldova is gradually adjusting its migration and visa policies in preparation for EU accession. The move comes in the wake of Moldova’s October 2024 referendum, in which voters supported the country’s path toward EU membership. Since then, the government has withdrawn from numerous CIS treaties, exited the CIS Interparliamentary Assembly, ceased payments to the Mir television network, and closed its local bureau. Relations between Moldova and Kyrgyzstan have been further strained by unresolved issues, including Kyrgyzstan’s calls for the repayment of a Soviet-era debt and Moldova’s ban on Kyrgyz airlines due to their inclusion on the EU’s aviation safety blacklist. Kyrgyz civil activist Almaz Tazhybay told Vesti.kg that Kyrgyz carriers will only regain access to Moldovan airspace after meeting EU safety requirements. Moldovan authorities have emphasized that the policy is not targeted at any specific country. Officials in Chişinău describe the changes as part of a broader legal realignment as Moldova pursues its goal of joining the European Union by 2030.

CSTO

CSTO Summit in Bishkek: Armenia’s Boycott, Russia’s Agenda, and a New Secretary General

On November 27, Kyrgyzstan will host the annual summit of the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO) in Bishkek, bringing together foreign ministers, defense ministers, and security council secretaries from member states. While often portrayed in Russian media as an Eurasian analogue to NATO, the CSTO remains an organization heavily dependent on Russian military power. Should Moscow withdraw or reduce its support, the Organization’s relevance would likely collapse. A stark illustration of this fragility is Armenia, whose Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan will boycott the summit entirely. Russian Presidential Aide Yuri Ushakov confirmed that Armenia will not attend the session of the Collective Security Council, the CSTO’s highest governing body, though it does not object to the adoption of bloc-wide documents. According to the CSTO press service, the Council is expected to adopt a declaration outlining member states’ joint positions on current security challenges. Also on the agenda is the formal appointment of the next Secretary General for the 2026-2029 term, and the unveiling of Russia’s priorities for its upcoming presidency in 2026. President Vladimir Putin’s speech on these priorities is expected to dominate the summit. Armenia’s withdrawal highlights the CSTO’s waning cohesion, maintained largely by members' reliance on Russian security assistance, a dynamic in place since the Treaty’s inception in Tashkent on May 15, 1992. The original signatories included Armenia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Russia, Tajikistan, and Uzbekistan, with Azerbaijan, Belarus, and Georgia joining in 1993. The treaty entered into force in 1994. Its central provision, Article 4, mandates collective defense: an attack on one member is considered an attack on all, obligating military and other forms of assistance in line with Article 51 of the UN Charter. In 1999, Armenia, Belarus, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Russia, and Tajikistan signed a protocol extending the treaty, establishing an automatic renewal every five years. The formal CSTO was created in 2002; its charter was registered with the UN the following year, and it has held observer status at the UN General Assembly since 2004. For Armenia, the CSTO’s relevance has waned dramatically since the bloc declined to intervene during the final phase of the Nagorno-Karabakh crisis. Yerevan’s disenchantment, however, predates 2023 and stretches back to the 2021–2022 border clashes, when it also felt the organization had failed to provide meaningful support. Kazakhstan, by contrast, remains a key beneficiary: the rapid CSTO deployment in January 2022 played a central role in stabilizing the country during a period of acute domestic unrest. As the current Secretary General, Imangali Tasmagambetov - an influential figure from the “Old Kazakhstan” elite - completes his term, the position is scheduled to rotate to Taalatbek Masadykov of Kyrgyzstan. Ushakov confirmed that Tasmagambetov will deliver a final report on the Organization’s activities and security concerns before officially stepping down on January 1. Masadykov, currently Deputy Secretary General, is expected to assume the role seamlessly. While Masadykov brings diplomatic gravitas, the question remains whether he can restrain Moscow and Minsk from pushing CSTO allies toward confrontation with NATO. Tasmagambetov leaves behind a significant legacy and an...

Kyrgyzstan Elections

Arrests of Opposition Politicians in Kyrgyzstan Sparks Outcry Ahead of Elections

On November 22, law enforcement agencies in Kyrgyzstan launched a large-scale special operation, detaining several opposition politicians, their relatives, and media representatives. The actions were carried out under criminal proceedings initiated under Article 278 of the Criminal Code of the Kyrgyz Republic, “Organization of Mass Unrest”. In three cases, the authorities also alleged attempts to “violently seize power” in what has become an increasingly familiar mantra. The scope of the operation and the number of individuals involved have drawn significant public attention. The arrests come just days before the parliamentary elections scheduled for November 30, prompting concerns among observers about the government's approach to managing opposition voices and maintaining stability during the electoral cycle. Official Version According to the Ministry of Internal Affairs, a “destructive group” was preparing to stage mass protests following the announcement of the election results in the Jogorku Kenesh (parliament). The group allegedly included politicians, former deputies, civil servants, and law enforcement officials. Investigators claim the suspects attempted to recruit members of the criminal underworld and sports organizations to provoke violent clashes. The ministry alleges that the planned unrest would start in the south of the country and then spread to Bishkek and other regions, creating an “effect of mass discontent.” The group reportedly operated through a defined structure, with “coordination groups” tasked with articulating political demands and criminal organizations responsible for applying pressure. Some participants allegedly pre-assigned themselves roles in a proposed political configuration. Investigators also claim the group intended to issue “unconstitutional appeals” and possibly seize government buildings, television channels, law enforcement facilities, weapons, and penitentiary institutions. Separately, the Interior Ministry announced the arrest of Social Democratic Party leader Temirlan Sultanbekov and said he had been charged with organizing mass riots. Waves of Searches and Detentions Local media reported that Kadyrbek Atambayev, the son of former President Almazbek Atambayev, and former first lady Raisa Atambayeva were brought in for questioning. Raisa Atambayeva was released later the same day. Former head of the State Service for Combating Economic Crimes, Syimyk Zhapykeyev, was detained in the Issyk-Kul region and transported to Bishkek for questioning before also being released that evening. Searches were conducted at the home of former deputy Shailoobek Atazov, while other prominent figures, including former Deputy Minister of Internal Affairs and ex-MP Kubanychbek Kadyrov, and the former CEO of the April TV channel, Dmitry Lozhnikov, were also questioned. Authorities linked Lozhnikov to the detained politicians. The Interior Ministry stressed that all actions were authorized by court orders and were part of an ongoing investigation into the organization of mass riots. Court Rulings: Arrests and Preventive Detentions On November 23, the Pervomaisky District Court in Bishkek issued preventive detention orders for ten individuals, including Temirlan Sultanbekov, Shailoobek Atazov, Ermek Ermatov, Damir Musakeev, Kadyrbek Atambayev, Kubanychbek Kadyrov, and businessman Urmat Baryktabasov (also known as Askarbekov). The identities of three additional detainees have not been publicly disclosed. Kadyrbek Atambayev has been remanded in custody until January 17, 2026, according to his lawyer Sergei Slesarev, who confirmed that...