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Nationalism

Leonid Slutsky: Scandals, Nationalism, and the Migrant Blame Game

The leader of Russia’s Liberal Democratic Party (LDPR), Leonid Slutsky has long been a figure surrounded by controversy. A hardline nationalist, Slutsky’s career has been marked by allegations of corruption and harassment. Recently, his intensified rhetoric against labor migrants – including proposed restrictions on labor migrants bringing their families into the country, a requirement for foreign workers to learn Russian, and attacks on the former head of the Uzbek National and Cultural Autonomy Council in Moscow - have further spotlighted his controversial political career. “Our people... should not suffer from boors and criminals who consider themselves masters here, gather in packs and attack people,” Slutsky stated regarding migrant workers. “If you want to make money in Russia, learn Russian, and respect our laws and traditions. In any other case, go home. We will not experiment on ourselves or our children. Our great country must be respected.” This shift to the far-right aligns with a broader nationalist trend in Russia and raises questions about Slutsky’s intentions and the potential impact on the country and those working there. Slutsky’s Scandal-Ridden Career Slutsky's political reputation has been marred by allegations of sexual harassment that surfaced in 2018, with multiple female journalists accusing him of inappropriate conduct, including a BBC correspondent whom he reportedly touched inappropriately and whom he was recorded calling a “bunny”. Despite public disquiet, a State Duma ethics panel dismissed the complaints, leading to a media boycott but no political repercussions. This episode, as well as reports of hidden assets and extravagant wealth, including luxury properties and cars, point to a broader culture of impunity within the Russian political elite. Investigations have revealed that Slutsky's family enjoys a lavish lifestyle, including stays at a luxury Turkish villa, private jet travel, and an elite education for his children in Switzerland, despite his declared income in 2020 of $77,000. Additionally, reports link him to high-end vehicles such as Bentleys and a Mercedes-Maybach, often financed through questionable means. To paraphrase a piece by David Szakonyi in the American Political Science Review, in Russia, corrupt politicians work less but support the regime more. A member of the State Duma since 1999, Slutsky succeeded Vladimir Zhirinovsky as head of the LDPR in 2022. Under his leadership, the party has increasingly leaned on ultranationalist rhetoric and populist measures that appeal to disillusioned voters during times of economic strain. His recent attacks on labor migrants echo this strategy. Weaponizing Anti-Migrant Sentiment Slutsky’s outspoken criticism of labor migrants fits into a growing narrative in Russia that blames foreign workers for economic and social problems. Migrants, particularly those from Central Asia and the Caucasus, have been routinely scapegoated in nationalist circles, accused of taking jobs, disrupting social harmony, and contributing to crime. While there is little evidence to support many of these claims, Slutsky is capitalizing on prevailing anxieties as a means to rally support for his party. By portraying himself and the LDPR as defenders of a nostalgia-fueled Russian identity, he hopes to appeal to conservative voters who view...

Foreign Affairs

Turkmenistan Steps into the Spotlight with Regional Diplomacy and Economic Reforms

Long known for its isolationist policies, Turkmenistan is gradually opening up to the international community through significant economic and diplomatic initiatives. Recent efforts include diversifying its natural gas exports, engaging in regional infrastructure projects such as the TAPI gas pipeline, and expanding trade partnerships. Additionally, the government has taken steps toward modernization and economic reforms to attract foreign investment, signaling a shift towards enhanced regional cooperation and global integration. This week, these initiatives gathered pace, as Chairman of the Halk Maslahaty of Turkmenistan, Gurbanguly Berdimuhamedov, continued his diplomatic tour of Central Asia with official visits to Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan. Berdimuhamedov's meetings focused on strengthening strategic partnerships, expanding trade and economic cooperation, and deepening cultural dialogue. Visit to Kazakhstan: Cultural Diplomacy and Strategic Cooperation On April 21, Berdimuhamedov arrived in the city of Turkestan, where he was welcomed by Kazakh President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev. The leaders held an informal meeting and visited key cultural and infrastructure sites, including the mausoleum of Khoja Ahmed Yassawi, a UNESCO World Heritage Site considered a spiritual center of the Turkic world. The tour also included the “Ethnoaul” ethnographic complex, the Turkistan Visit Centre, and an inspection of ongoing archaeological and restoration work at the ancient settlement of Kultobe. At the SPK Turkistan industrial park, they reviewed six investment projects worth a total of 36.5 billion tenge, encompassing production from tractors to medical equipment, with future expansion plans involving 112 facilities. During the meeting, Tokayev highlighted growing bilateral ties and discussed joint initiatives in energy, transport, and digitalization. Tokayev reaffirmed Kazakhstan’s interest in participating in the development of Turkmenistan’s Galkynysh gas field and regional infrastructure projects, including the Turgundi-Herat-Kandahar-Spin Buldak railway and various transit highways connecting the two nations. Tokayev also offered support in digital governance and IT training, aligning with broader goals of regional modernization. Speaking to Toppress.kz, political analyst Tair Nigmanov interpreted Berdimuhamedov’s regional tour as a sign of Turkmenistan’s gradual emergence from diplomatic isolation. Nigmanov emphasized the symbolic significance of Turkestan, which Kazakhstan is positioning as a regional diplomatic hub for the Turkic world. Visit to Kyrgyzstan: Tradition and Informal Diplomacy On April 22, Berdimuhamedov arrived in Kyrgyzstan, where he was met at Issyk-Kul Airport by President Sadyr Japarov, who personally drove his guest along the visit route, a gesture that drew public attention. The leaders toured the Rukh-Ordo cultural center in Cholpon-Ata, and held informal discussions. During the visit, Japarov gifted a komuz, a traditional Kyrgyz string instrument, and invited Berdimuhamedov to sample the national kuurma tea. Talks on April 23 focused on enhancing bilateral relations. President Japarov praised the “centuries-old friendship” between the two nations and proposed establishing a Kyrgyz-Turkmen Development Fund, modeled on similar funds with Russia, Hungary, and Uzbekistan. Berdimuhamedov responded positively, expressing a desire to expand cooperation in trade, energy, education, and cultural exchange. Next Stop: Uzbekistan Berdimuhamedov is scheduled to visit Uzbekistan on April 23-24 at the invitation of President Shavkat Mirziyoyev. The agenda includes political, economic, and transportation cooperation, continuing the regional outreach and reinforcing Turkmenistan’s strategic...

Victory Day

Central Asian Leaders To Join Putin at Moscow’s WWII Parade

Leaders of the Commonwealth of Independent States, or CIS, will attend the 80th anniversary of the victory over Nazi Germany in Moscow on May 9, Russian state media have reported. The CIS, a regional group that was set up as the Soviet Union collapsed in 1991, includes the Central Asian countries that were Soviet republics: Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan. Those leaders have traditionally attended the Moscow parade. But the event drew more international scrutiny in the last few years as Russian President Vladimir Putin tried to showcase diplomatic contacts in the face of Western efforts to isolate him, and display Russian military might as the war in Ukraine dragged on. "I am happy and pleased, just like you, to announce that all heads of state of the CIS will be at the celebrations in Moscow on May 9," CIS Secretary General Sergey Lebedev told the council of the group’s inter-parliamentary assembly. He was quoted by Russia’s RIA Novosti news agency. The Russian news outlet TASS issued a similar report. Kremlin spokesman Dmitry Peskov has said more than 20 heads of state and government are expected to join Putin at the victory parade in Moscow. Some Central Asian countries, whose ancestors fought for the Soviet Union against Germany in WWII, hold their own events around the anniversary of the end of the war against the Nazis. Kyrgyzstan, for example, plans a parade on May 8 in the capital of Bishkek, allowing President Sadyr Japarov to catch the Moscow parade on the next day. Similarly, the Kazakh capital of Astana will host a military parade on May 7 after canceling several previous commemorations.

Labor Migrants

Essential but Unwelcome: Central Asian Migrants in Russia

The Crocus City Hall terrorist attack in Moscow on March 22, 2024 triggered strong anti-migrant sentiment in Russian society. Since then, the nation’s authorities have been imposing stricter migration rules. But how does this impact millions of Central Asian labor migrants and their families living and working in Russia? Following the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, Russia became a major destination for migrant workers from Central Asia. According to the official Russian statistics, there are currently almost four million citizens of Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, and Turkmenistan living in Russia, along with approximately 670,000 illegal migrants. Rosstat (the Federal State Statistics Service of the Russian Federation) reports that 260,400 migrants arrived in Russia from January to July this year, with 60% (about 156,200) coming from Central Asian countries. The majority of them are citizens of Tajikistan. In 2023, over one million Tajiks have moved to Russia in search of work. With a large community of its citizens in Russia, the Tajik government seems to be working to not only improve their legal status in the Russian Federation, but also to coordinate some of their actions, particularly in the field of culture. On April 9, in Dushanbe, a meeting took place between Tajikistan’s Minister of Labor, Migration, and Employment of the Population, Solekhi Kholmakhmadzoda, and leaders and activists of the Tajik diaspora living in Russia. Tajikistan initiated the summit after Russia began testing migrant children on their knowledge of the Russian language before admitting them to school. Starting April 1, a law came into effect that prevents Russian schools from enrolling migrant children who do not speak Russian or are in Russia illegally. This measure is just the tip of the iceberg in the Kremlin’s plans to regulate the migrant issue in the country. Alexey Nechaev, the leader of the New People party – one of the handful of the so-called systemic opposition parties in Russia – said on March 19 that “artificial intelligence should be made a new tool for monitoring migrants… It is unfair that Russian citizens are digitized from head to toe, while migrants continue to live with paper documents without any problems,” Nechaev stressed, pointing out that monitoring migrants’ activities through AI could “help keep a closer eye on what foreigners are doing and make it easier to track illegal money flows.” Last year, the Liberal Democratic Party – another ‘systemic opposition’ group – proposed restricting the rights of migrant workers to bring their families into Russia. This initiative raised concerns in neighboring Kazakhstan. The ambassador of the largest Central Asian nation expressed unease to Moscow about such ambitions, referring to the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU), the foundation of which, as he highlighted, is based on ensuring the four freedoms – the movement of goods, services, capital, and labor. Russian reports, however, claim that, as a result of Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan’s membership in the EAEU, their citizens living in Russia have a much better status than those from other Central Asian states. Despite that, on...

Regional Security

Afghanistan and Central Asia: Pragmatism Instead of Illusions

“When the winds of change blow, some build walls, others build windmills.” — Chinese proverb Afghanistan remains one of the most complex and controversial spots on the map of Eurasia. After the Taliban came to power in 2021, it seemed the countries of Central Asia were faced with a choice: to distance themselves from the new regime or cautiously engage with it. However, it appears they have chosen a third path - pragmatic cooperation free from political intentions. Today, a window of opportunity is opening for the Central Asian states to reconsider their relationship with Afghanistan, not as a buffer zone or a source of instability, but as a potential element of a new regional architecture. At the same time, these countries are in no hurry to establish close political ties with Kabul. They avoid making declarations about "integrating" Afghanistan into Central Asia as a geopolitical region. Instead, the focus is on practical, rather than political or ideological, cooperation in areas such as transportation, trade, energy, food security, and humanitarian engagement. This pragmatic approach is shaping a new style of regional diplomacy, which is restrained yet determined. Against this backdrop, two key questions emerge: What role can Afghanistan play in regional development scenarios, and what steps are needed to minimize risks and maximize mutual benefit? Afghanistan After 2021: Between Stability and Dependency Since the end of the war and the Taliban’s return to power, Afghanistan has experienced a degree of relative order. However, the country remains economically and institutionally dependent on external assistance. Historically, Afghanistan has survived through subsidies and involvement in external conflicts, from the “Great Game” to the fight against international terrorism. Today, new actors, such as China, Russia, India, Turkey, and the Arab states, are stepping onto the stage alongside Russia, the United States, and the broader West. In the context of current geopolitical realities after the fall of its “democratic” regime, Afghanistan has found itself in a gap between the experiences of the past and a yet undetermined future. It has a unique opportunity to transcend its reputation as the “graveyard of empires” and determine its fate while simultaneously integrating into the international community. How the de facto authorities in Afghanistan handle this opportunity will not only shape the Afghan people's and the region's future but also influence the development of the entire global security paradigm. In parallel, the countries of Central Asian are building bilateral relations with Kabul on strictly pragmatic terms: participation in infrastructure and energy projects, food supply, and humanitarian aid. All of these steps have been taken without political commitments and without recognizing the regime. [caption id="attachment_30841" align="aligncenter" width="1062"] The border between Afghanistan and Tajikistan near Khorog, GBAO; image: TCA, Stephen M. Bland[/caption] Geo-Economics and Logistics: Afghanistan as a Strategic Hub The regional reality in Central Asia is increasingly taking on a geo-economic dimension. The region is not only an arena for the interests of external powers but also a zone for developing transport, logistics, and energy networks in which Afghanistan is playing an...

Geopolitics

Central Asia: An Arena of Geopolitical Attraction

Though 2025 is not yet at its halfway point, Central Asia has already emerged as one of the primary stages of global diplomatic engagement. Rich in natural resources and strategically positioned between global powers, the region has attracted increasing interest from the European Union, China, Russia, and others. Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, and their neighbors are asserting greater agency, pursuing multi-vector foreign policies, and striving to capitalize on evolving geopolitical dynamics. EU-Central Asia: A New Chapter Amid regular annual meetings, a landmark event this year was the inaugural EU-Central Asia Summit, held in Samarkand, Uzbekistan, on April 3-4. Leaders of all five Central Asian states met with European Council President António Costa and European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen. Discussions centered on infrastructure development, including the Trans-Caspian route, digitalization, energy security, and water resource management. The summit concluded with a pledge to sign an Enhanced Partnership and Cooperation Agreement. This meeting was facilitated by a reconfiguration of global alliances. U.S. President Donald Trump's new tariff policies and the evolving relationship between Washington and Moscow have led European leaders, unwilling to restore ties with Russia, to seek new partnerships. Central Asia, with its strategic position and investment potential, is increasingly appealing. Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan, the region’s economic leaders, are particularly eager to attract foreign capital. The EU represents a possible source, though Russian analysts remain skeptical about Europe’s ability to dislodge Russian and Chinese influence. For instance, Mikhail Neizhmakov of the Russian Agency for Political and Economic Communications noted that while von der Leyen spoke of a €12 billion Global Gateway investment package, China is the largest exporter of investment in the Eurasian region, with accumulated direct investment of $58.6 billion at the end of the first half of 2024, according to the Eurasian Development Bank. Security Discourse and Russian Narratives In addition to the EU summit, the region hosted other key diplomatic events, such as the Digital Forum in Almaty earlier this year, which was attended by Russian Prime Minister Mikhail Mishustin. Another major gathering was the CIS Council of Foreign Ministers, held on April 11, also in Almaty. Ministers approved a 2025 consultation plan and adopted joint statements on regional security, humanitarian cooperation, and opposition to unilateral sanctions. Kazakhstan: A Regional Diplomatic Hub Kazakhstan has so far distinguished itself as Central Asia’s foremost diplomatic player in 2025, hosting high-level visits and spearheading regional engagement. In January, Prime Minister Mishustin visited Astana and Almaty. February saw King Abdullah II of Jordan meet with President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev to discuss investment and humanitarian cooperation. In March, President Tokayev welcomed his Slovenian counterpart, Nataša Pirc Musar, who expressed interest in expanding bilateral trade. French President Emmanuel Macron is also preparing to visit Kazakhstan later this year, reinforcing France’s strategic interest in the region. In June, meanwhile, Chinese President Xi Jinping is scheduled to attend the second Central Asia-China Summit in Astana, where trade and investment will top the agenda. Navigating a New Geopolitical Order Today, Central Asia represents a vital intersection of East and West....