Page 214 – The Times Of Central Asia

01 Jul 2025

Home, Justice, Kazakhstan Justice, Kazakhstan, Features, Kazakhstan Featurees

Former Justice Minister From ‘Old Kazakhstan’ Sentenced to Nine Years in Prison

July 2, 2025
By Aliya Haidar

Former Minister of Justice Marat Beketayev has been sentenced to nine years in prison with confiscation of property for crimes linked to large-scale corruption. Beketayev is widely regarded as a representative of the “Old Kazakhstan” of the first president, Nursultan Nazarbayev, a term widely used to describe officials removed from power in the wake of the January 2022 unrest and associated with systemic corruption.

Verdict Handed Down

The Anti-Corruption Service of Kazakhstan announced on June 30 that Beketayev was convicted of fraud, embezzlement on an especially large scale, and illegal participation in entrepreneurial activities. Details of the case remain classified. The charges were formally submitted to the court in March 2025.

Beketayev served as Minister of Justice from 2016 until early 2022. Following the January unrest, he was appointed as an advisor to the Prime Minister but was quietly dismissed in December 2022, a fact that only became public knowledge in February 2023.

He was detained in October 2023 while allegedly attempting to flee the country. According to investigators, he abused his office by lobbying for the interests of an affiliated company and awarding it annual contracts for unnecessary services, actions that reportedly inflicted significant financial damage on the state.

Fallout from the January Events

Beketayev’s dismissal came immediately after the events known in Kazakhstan as “Bloody January” (Qantar), when protests initially triggered by rising liquefied gas prices escalated into nationwide unrest. From January 3-7, 2022, major cities were engulfed in chaos. Government buildings, law enforcement agencies, and military units were attacked; 238 people were reportedly killed, including children and police officers. The worst violence occurred in Almaty, where protesters stormed the city administration, the president’s residence, and the airport.

Order was restored on January 8 with the intervention of the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO), at the request of President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev. Open-source information and official investigations suggest the unrest was orchestrated by supporters of former president Nursultan Nazarbayev, who had stepped down in 2019 after nearly 30 years in power.

In the aftermath, many high-ranking officials were removed or prosecuted. Among them was former Prime Minister and National Security Committee (KNB) Chairman Karim Massimov, who was sentenced to 18 years in prison for orchestrating what authorities describe as a coup attempt. Nazarbayev’s nephews, Samat Abish and Kairat Satybaldy, also faced charges. Abish received an eight-year suspended sentence due to his “sincere repentance,” while Satybaldy, accused of economic crimes, paid approximately 700 billion tenge ($1.5 billion) in restitution and was released.

The post-Qantar purge extended to numerous grassroots organizers and ordinary citizens involved in the unrest. In political discourse, the divide between Tokayev’s supporters and the remnants of Nazarbayev’s influence is often described as a split between “New Kazakhstan” and “Old Kazakhstan.”

Beketayev’s Legacy and Links to Major Scandals

Beketayev is considered an ally of Massimov and thus part of the old power structure. He was also involved in one of Kazakhstan’s most controversial international legal disputes, the case involving Moldovan businessmen Anatol and Gabriel Stati. In 2017, $22 billion from Kazakhstan’s National Fund, composed largely of oil revenue, was frozen due to litigation stemming from the Stati case. The proceedings led to substantial legal costs and reputational damage for the state.

Beketayev’s conviction is seen as another chapter in the government’s ongoing campaign to dismantle the political and financial legacy of “Old Kazakhstan.”

01 Jul 2025

Central Asia, Home, Kazakhstan Local Politics, Local Politics, Kazakhstan

Kazakhstan Transfers Anti-Corruption Authority to National Security Committee

July 1, 2025
By Dmitry Pokidaev

Kazakh President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev has signed a decree dissolving the country’s standalone Anti-Corruption Agency and transferring its functions to the National Security Committee (NSC), in what officials describe as a move to modernize and streamline public administration.

According to the decree, the Anti-Corruption Agency, previously a direct presidential subordinate tasked with both strategic and operational anti-corruption efforts, will now be integrated into the NSC as its sixth division. It joins the ranks of other specialized units including the Border Service, Foreign Intelligence Service, Government Communications Service, Special Division “A” (special forces), and the Aviation Service.

Some responsibilities, particularly those involving the development and implementation of anti-corruption policy, interagency coordination, and public outreach, will be transferred to the Agency for Civil Service Affairs. That agency will also absorb part of the former Anti-Corruption Agency’s staff and resources.

“In order to modernize and improve the efficiency of the public administration system, I hereby decree: to reorganize the Anti-Corruption Agency by merging it with the National Security Committee…” the decree states.

The Anti-Corruption Agency was created in 2014 as the successor to the Agency for Combating Economic and Corruption Crimes, also known as the financial police, which had operated since 1994. Throughout its existence, the agency reported directly to the president and was central to the country’s efforts to combat corruption, from policy design to investigations.

Under the decree, the NSC must draft new regulations for the anti-corruption division and submit personnel redistribution proposals, particularly concerning the Agency for Civil Service Affairs, within one month. Additionally, the government has until September 1, 2025, to prepare and submit a bill to parliament reflecting the institutional changes.

As previously reported by The Times of Central Asia, President Tokayev recently launched a broad reform initiative targeting the entire law enforcement system. The incorporation of anti-corruption functions into the NSC may thus represent only the first phase of a wider restructuring.

01 Jul 2025

International Affairs

South Korea-Central Asia Summit Postponed to 2026

July 1, 2025
By Sadokat Jalolova

The long-anticipated summit between South Korea and Central Asian nations, originally scheduled for 2025, has been postponed to 2026 due to recent political developments in South Korea. The decision was confirmed by First Vice Foreign Minister Park Yoon-joo during a meeting of the National Assembly’s international affairs committee, as reported by Yonhap News Agency.

Park stated that the postponement followed a comprehensive review of both internal and external considerations.

“After considering all relevant circumstances, including the positions of the Central Asian countries and our own internal schedule, it became difficult to propose a viable date within this year,” he told lawmakers.

Park was also presenting the ministry’s second supplementary budget, adjusted to 4.23 trillion won (approximately $3.11 billion), slightly lower than the previously revised figure.

The delay comes amid political turbulence in South Korea following serious allegations against former President Yoon Suk-yeol.

According to Reuters, Yoon faced widespread backlash earlier this year after being accused of attempting to declare martial law and consolidate presidential powers during a period of domestic unrest. The controversy triggered mass protests and increased scrutiny of the executive branch, ultimately prompting the rescheduling of several diplomatic events, including the summit with Central Asian leaders. Despite the delay, bilateral cooperation continues.

Earlier this week, The Times of Central Asia reported that South Korean firms reached an agreement with Kyrgyzstan to support the development of electric public transportation infrastructure. The deal, facilitated by the Kyrgyz Ministry of Economy and Trade, includes plans to build a network of charging stations for electric buses in Bishkek. The project involves collaboration with the Korea Environmental Transport Association and several private companies and aims to promote cleaner public transport and improved environmental standards in the Kyrgyz capital.

01 Jul 2025

Central Asia, Tajikistan Life & Culture, Home, Life & Culture, Tajikistan, Tajikistan Features, Tajikistan Home, Features

Unique Artifact from Kushan Era Unearthed in Tajikistan

July 3, 2025
By Vagit Ismailov

Archaeologists from the National Museum of Tajikistan have unearthed a rare and significant artifact, a clay vessel bearing a complete inscription in the Bactrian language, dating to the Kushan era. The discovery was made at the Khalkhajar archaeological site near the village of Sarband, according to the museum’s announcement.

A Jug with a Story

Excavations at Khalkhajar began on May 20 under the direction of Mirali Zamon Karimdodzoda, head of the museum’s archaeology and numismatics department. The team uncovered the remains of ancient architectural structures, including clay and brick walls with traces of whitewash and well-preserved sections of interior spaces.

Most of the artifacts unearthed date back to the Kushan Empire’s peak between the 1st and 3rd centuries AD. Among the most notable finds is a two-handled clay jug, recovered in fragments and meticulously restored. What makes the vessel exceptional is its intact inscription in Bactrian, written in a distinct broken script, an exceedingly rare occurrence in Tajikistan.

Deciphering the Inscription

To analyze the text, the museum enlisted the expertise of internationally renowned scholars: Professor Nicholas Sims-Williams, a specialist in ancient Iranian languages, and numismatist Joe Cribb. Based on their interpretation, the inscription reads:

“eiado gō(l)z[o ]sido finzo sagkino ol(o) mo(.)”
Translation: “This water jug belongs to the woman Sagkina.”

This simple phrase is of considerable linguistic and cultural significance. It offers a rare glimpse into everyday life and personal property practices in the Kushan period, shedding light on literacy, gender, and identity in ancient Central Asia.

Cultural and Historical Significance

The name “Sagkina” provides valuable material for onomastic studies and enriches understanding of female naming conventions in the region during the Kushan era. The presence of such inscriptions suggests a relatively advanced level of literacy and a societal norm of marking personal belongings, an important insight into domestic life and social organization at the time.

Experts note that finds of this nature are vital for tracing the evolution of writing systems in Eastern Iran and for better understanding the intersection of language and material culture in ancient societies.

Echoes of Empire

The Kushan Empire was one of the most expansive and influential states in ancient Central Asia, encompassing areas of present-day Afghanistan, Pakistan, India, southern Uzbekistan, and parts of Tajikistan. The Bactrian language, written in a modified Greek script, served as a key medium for administration and trade, and today remains essential to reconstructing the region’s historical narrative.

Archaeological efforts at Khalkhajar are ongoing. All discoveries are being catalogued for future public exhibition at the National Museum of Tajikistan, where the inscribed jug will take pride of place as a symbol of the region’s rich cultural heritage.

01 Jul 2025

Central Asia, Home, Local Politics, Kyrgyzstan, Kyrgyzstan Local Politics, Features, Kyrgyzstan Features, Kyrgyzstan Home

Kyrgyz Authorities Step Up Pressure on Kloop: Searches, Arrests, and International Outcry

July 2, 2025
By Tamila Olzhbaekova

In late May, Kyrgyz security forces conducted coordinated raids on the homes of eight current and former employees of the independent media outlet Kloop. Operatives from the State Committee for National Security (GKNB) simultaneously entered apartments in Bishkek and Osh.

Video journalist Alexander Alexandrov and former cameraman Joomart Duulatov were detained and remain in custody on charges of “public calls for mass unrest” under Article 278 of the Criminal Code. The other six individuals were released after hours of interrogation but were compelled to sign non-disclosure agreements.

According to Kloop’s editorial staff, five minutes before the raids began, the outlet received an anonymous email with the subject line: “You have crossed the line.” The incident drew swift condemnation from human rights groups. The Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) demanded an immediate end to what it described as persecution, while other international organizations called for the charges to be dropped.

From Student Project to Investigative Powerhouse

Founded in 2007 by journalists Bektur Iskender and Rinat Tukhvatushin, Kloop began as a training platform for aspiring reporters. The outlet gained prominence during its around-the-clock reporting on the 2010 uprising. It later evolved into a leading investigative publication, exposing high-profile cases such as the 2017 “Samaragate” voter data scandal and the 2019 financial network linked to customs official Raiymbek Matraimov.

Despite legal threats, including lawsuits from the Matraimov family that were later withdrawn, Kloop’s reporting bolstered its credibility and amplified its visibility, making it increasingly unwelcome in official circles.

Escalating Crackdown

Tensions escalated in August 2023 when the Bishkek Prosecutor’s Office filed a lawsuit to dissolve the Kloop Media Foundation, accusing it of “negative coverage of government activities.” The Oktyabrsky District Court approved the request in February 2024, and the Supreme Court upheld the decision that July in a closed session. The ruling remained classified for a month.

The Ministry of Culture subsequently ordered Kloop’s website to be blocked within Kyrgyzstan, despite assurances that the foundation’s removal from the official register would not impede freedom of expression. In response, the editorial team relocated servers abroad and registered a new legal entity. Nevertheless, the authorities resumed the pressure in January 2024 with searches targeting other independent outlets, including Temirov Live and 24.kg. By May, the security forces were back at Kloop.

The investigation now alleges that Kloop continued to operate illegally post-liquidation, publishing materials purportedly aimed at “inciting public discontent.” This echoes the case against Temirov Live, where several journalists were imprisoned, including director Makhabat Tazhibek Kyzy, who is serving a six-year sentence. Human rights advocates argue the charges are part of a broader strategy to criminalize dissent.

International Reactions

The arrests have provoked international condemnation. Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch, Civil Rights Defenders, and Reporters Without Borders were among more than a dozen NGOs that issued a joint statement decrying a “new wave of repression” threatening the future of independent journalism in Kyrgyzstan.

The statement urged the immediate release of detained journalists and called on international partners, particularly the European Union, to adopt a more assertive stance.

Domestic Voices

Amid the foreign outcry, the voices of Kyrgyz citizens reflect the extent of public concern.

Akmaral, a 25-year-old freelance designer from Bishkek, recalled how a former Kloop video editor and his partner were arbitrarily detained: “They even took people who had long since left Kloop or were just acquaintances. Some were forced to record coerced ‘confessions’ renouncing journalism,” she told The Times of Central Asia.

Akmaral emphasized the influence of Kloop: “They exposed corruption in state security, illegal land deals, and even implicated the president. The courts couldn’t silence them, nor could the internet blocks.”

Marat, a 30-year-old driver from the Osh region, told TCA, “I don’t follow politics, but when the only site exposing corruption is blocked, you know anyone can be silenced next.”

Gulnara, a 23-year-old dance teacher, said: “These are not criminals. The injustice is coming from the state. It’s painful to watch our country regress.”

Beksultan, a student programmer in Bishkek, summed up the atmosphere: “You don’t have to be a journalist anymore. Make an election app or share an article, and you’re an enemy of the state.”

What’s Next?

As of June 24, 2025, Alexandrov and Duulatov remain in GKNB custody. Legal appeals have failed within Kyrgyzstan, prompting Kloop’s lawyers to prepare a complaint to the UN Human Rights Committee, a process that could take years.

Despite the ongoing crackdown, Kloop continues its work from abroad. The site remains accessible in Kyrgyzstan via mirror domains, and the team has opened a podcast studio in Georgia. Kloop’s leadership has pledged to persist, promising to deliver “the most incisive investigations, the most objective news, and the boldest commentary.”

01 Jul 2025

Home, Uzbekistan, Uzbekistan Opinions, International Affairs, Uzbekistan Features, Opinions, Uzbekistan International Affairs

Opinion: Regional Power Starts at Home – Central Asia’s Path to Autonomy

July 1, 2025
By Times of Central Asia

The world is once again in a phase of systemic uncertainty. As conflicts proliferate and global governance splits, small and medium states must grapple with the consequences. For Central Asia, these external crises are not distant events; they are transmitted through trade, remittances, energy prices, and diplomatic pressure. But while exposure is unavoidable, dependence is not. The region’s future lies not in aligning with competing hegemons, but in constructing durable institutions of regional cooperation and self-governance.

Over the last two decades, Central Asian countries have existed in a delicate balance. Security guarantees from Russia, infrastructure finance from China, and development assistance from the West provided a measure of stability, but they also bred institutional inertia. Today, that equilibrium is breaking down. Russia is preoccupied and sanctioned. China’s external ambitions are increasingly self-serving. The West is distracted. The resulting vacuum could leave Central Asia either exposed or, more optimistically, empowered to shape its own destiny.

Uzbekistan’s Institutional Recalibration

Uzbekistan’s pivot after 2016 was more than a diplomatic rebranding. It marked a nascent effort to build regional institutional trust, which was long absent in Central Asia. For the first time since independence, disputes over borders, transit, and trade were addressed not through coercion or isolation, but negotiation. The Khujand Declaration, signed by Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan, and Tajikistan, offered a blueprint for how local capacity, rather than external mediation, can resolve long-standing frictions.

This was a decisive shift from extractive bilateralism to inclusive multilateralism. But diplomatic normalization is only a prelude. The deeper question remains: Can Central Asia institutionalize integration? Can it create shared rules and enforcement mechanisms strong enough to withstand both internal and external shocks?

If Central Asian countries want to succeed, they should invest in four areas of regional institution-building, which will bring collective autonomy to the region.

Mobility without bureaucracy

Mobility is not just about tourism or convenience; it is about labor markets, political identity, and state capacity. Central Asia must move toward the full elimination of intra-regional visa and registration requirements. A legally binding regional agreement should guarantee the right of all citizens to live, work, and invest across borders without administrative friction.

Strategic alignment through membership discipline

Membership in multilateral organizations is not costless. It binds countries to external norms and power hierarchies. Uzbekistan’s exit from the CSTO and its calibrated WTO accession strategy demonstrate the value of selectively aligning with institutions that advance national and regional interests. Central Asian countries should have the political will to reconsider all memberships that harm their prosperity. Instead, a coordinated foreign policy doctrine between countries could increase their authority and bargaining power on the global stage.

Energy security through joint investment and governance

Energy independence is the main concern in Central Asia. Therefore, a Central Asian Energy Association should be established to coordinate grid connectivity, renewable development, and strategic reserves. Collective energy governance would reduce dependency on Russian and Chinese systems, while enabling scale economies in transition technologies.

Investment in Afghanistan as a regional stability mechanism

The marginalization of Afghanistan has always undermined regional stability. What Central Asia lacks is not capacity, but coordination. A Central Asian Infrastructure and Development Fund should be established to jointly finance roads, electricity, and higher education in Afghanistan, buffering spillovers while building cross-border institutions.

The question is no longer whether Central Asia can integrate; it is whether it can do so before external volatility overwhelms internal capacity. The foundations have been laid. Uzbekistan opened the doors for the unity of Central Asia. Now it is time to act accordingly.

The views expressed in this article are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of the publication, its affiliates, or any other organizations mentioned.