Uzbekistan Local Politics - The Times Of Central Asia

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Kyrgyz Lawmaker Challenges $15 Tint Fee for Drivers Crossing into Uzbekistan

Kyrgyz drivers crossing into Uzbekistan are being charged a $15 fee if their vehicle windows are tinted, a policy that has drawn criticism from Kyrgyz lawmaker Dastan Bekeshev. Speaking during an April 2 session of the Jogorku Kenesh (Supreme Council of Kyrgyzstan), Bekeshev urged the government to either introduce a reciprocal fee for Uzbek vehicles entering Kyrgyzstan or to negotiate with Tashkent to eliminate the charge altogether. Addressing Foreign Minister Jeenbek Kulubaev, Bekeshev explained that many Kyrgyz citizens regularly travel between Jalal-Abad and Batken, routes that often require passage through Uzbek territory. “They charge $15 for every car with tinted rear windows, almost every day. But we don’t charge them anything,” he said. The fee is collected via Uzbekistan’s MBANK mobile application, streamlining payment for drivers. Many Kyrgyz citizens consider the charge unjustified and burdensome. Tinting regulations differ significantly between the two countries. In Kyrgyzstan, individuals must pay 50,000 KGS (around $576) annually to tint their vehicle windows, while businesses pay 70,000 KGS (about $807). In Uzbekistan, rear window tinting is permitted at no cost, but tinting front windows costs approximately 3 million UZS (around $234) per year. Kulubaev acknowledged that the issue had not been formally raised before but assured lawmakers that it would be examined. “We can discuss this on a mutual basis and bring it up at an intergovernmental commission meeting,” he stated. Uzbekistan introduced the $15 fee in 2018 through a government decree aimed at regulating vehicle window tinting. Proceeds from the fee are directed to the state budget. The debate now centers on whether Kyrgyzstan should adopt a reciprocal policy or seek a bilateral agreement to eliminate the fee, a decision that may set a precedent for broader discussions on regional transportation and cross-border regulations.

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Power Shifts in Central Asia: The Unpredictable Path of Leadership

European Union Commissioner for International Partnerships Josef Sikela has concluded his tour of Central Asia, a visit conducted against the backdrop of global geopolitical turbulence. Unlike previous engagements, where European officials often criticized the region’s leadership for a lack of democratic progress, Sikela refrained from making demands on local governments. Historically, Europe has accused Central Asian states of authoritarianism and the entrenchment of long-serving leaders. However, the idea that power is uniquely permanent in the region is increasingly questioned. Critics point to Western examples, such as Angela Merkel’s 16-year tenure as Germany’s chancellor, and alleged electoral manipulation within the EU, such as in Romania, where elections were annulled after an undesired candidate’s victory. Meanwhile, in Central Asia, even presidents once considered “eternal” have eventually left office, sometimes peacefully, sometimes under turbulent conditions. Kyrgyzstan: The Unpredictable Outlier Kyrgyzstan is often described as a "democratic exception" within Central Asia, yet its history is marked by political instability and frequent leadership changes, arguably more so than in many of the world’s most conflict-prone regions. The country’s first president, Askar Akayev, held power from 1990 to 2005. Though re-elected three times, his rule ended in March 2005 when protests erupted over parliamentary election results that heavily favored pro-government candidates. Demonstrators stormed the Government House in Bishkek, prompting Akayev to flee. Reports, though unverified, claimed he was smuggled out wrapped in a carpet. Following Akayev’s ouster, Kurmanbek Bakiyev took power, but his rule ended in 2010 after violent unrest. His downfall was allegedly facilitated by Kazakhstan’s intelligence services, and he later found political asylum in Belarus under President Alexander Lukashenko. Since Bakiyev’s departure, Kyrgyzstan has continued to experience political turbulence. Presidents Almazbek Atambayev (2010-2017) and Sooronbai Jeenbekov (2017-2020) both left office under pressure. Atambayev’s tenure saw a diplomatic fallout with Kazakhstan, while Jeenbekov resigned in 2020 amid protests over parliamentary elections. His successor, Sadyr Japarov, remains in office, but whether he will complete his term is an open question. Uzbekistan: Reform Within Limits Islam Karimov, Uzbekistan’s first post-Soviet leader, ruled for over 26 years before his death in 2016. While he maintained a strictly centralized government, his tenure was also marked by violent crackdowns, most notably the Andijan uprising in 2005, which resulted in a Western diplomatic fallout. His successor, Shavkat Mirziyoyev, has introduced some reforms, loosening restrictions on civil liberties and the economy. However, the fundamental structure of state control remains intact, with opposition movements still tightly monitored. Kazakhstan: From Nazarbayev to Tokayev Kazakhstan’s transition from Nursultan Nazarbayev to Kassym-Jomart Tokayev is often described as managed succession rather than a genuine power shift. Nazarbayev, who led Kazakhstan for nearly three decades, officially stepped down in 2019, yet retained significant influence until the January 2022 unrest, which forced him to relinquish much of his remaining power. These protests, initially sparked by fuel price hikes, rapidly escalated into anti-government riots. While official accounts describe the unrest as an attempted coup orchestrated by figures within Nazarbayev’s inner circle, critics suggest Tokayev used the crisis to consolidate power....

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Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, and Uzbekistan Reach Border Agreement After Years of Negotiations

After nearly two decades of discussions, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, and Uzbekistan have officially determined the junction point of their shared borders. Kamchibek Tashiyev, head of the Kyrgyz National Security Committee, presented the final border demarcation to Kyrgyz lawmakers, AKIpress reported. On March 19, Tashiyev stated that trilateral negotiations on this issue had been ongoing since 2007. Government delegations from the three countries held six meetings before reaching an agreement. The dispute over the exact location of the border junction remained unresolved until a March 2025 meeting in Dushanbe, where representatives of Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, and Uzbekistan finalized the demarcation. During the meeting, Tashiyev displayed a map marking the agreed border point in blue. He noted that Uzbekistan had previously suggested a location marked in green, while Tajikistan proposed a spot marked in red. Accepting these alternative proposals would have left key roads outside Kyrgyzstan's territory. Under the final agreement, Kyrgyzstan retains approximately 100 hectares of land, which, although uninhabited, includes an important road. This breakthrough follows a March 13 border agreement between Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan, aimed at ending long-standing tensions that had made their shared border the most volatile in Central Asia for over a decade. The deal was underscored by Tajik President Emomali Rahmon’s first visit to Bishkek in nearly 12 years, highlighting its importance. As part of the agreement, the two countries also agreed to reopen the Kairagach (Leilek district) and Kyzyl-Bel (Batken district) border checkpoints, which had been closed for nearly four years. Both checkpoints resumed operations on March 13.

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Uzbekistan Denies Claims of Land Sales to China

Recent social media claims alleging that “China is taking over Uzbekistan” and that “most of the country’s land has been sold to the Chinese” have sparked widespread debate. In response, Ilzat Qosimov, Deputy Minister of Investments, Industry, and Trade, issued a statement via the ministry’s official Facebook page, firmly rejecting these allegations. Economic Cooperation, Not Land Sales “Attracting foreign investment is a crucial factor for Uzbekistan’s sustainable economic growth. Global competition for capital is intensifying, and our country remains committed to maintaining an open and equal investment environment,” Qosimov stated. He emphasized that while China is one of Uzbekistan’s largest investors, all foreign investors operate under the same legal framework. Uzbekistan maintains investment partnerships with numerous countries, including Saudi Arabia, the UAE, Turkey, Russia, France, Germany, South Korea, and Japan. According to official figures, Chinese investment in Uzbekistan is primarily concentrated in industry (62%), the fuel and energy sector (11%), and agriculture (4%). The majority of investments are in manufacturing, not agriculture or land acquisition. One notable example is the textile industry, where Uzbekistan has over 7,600 textile enterprises, but only 57 involve Chinese capital. Additionally, Uzbekistan exports textile products to China through multiple trading houses. Legal Restrictions on Foreign Land Ownership Despite persistent rumors, only 4% of Chinese investment in Uzbekistan goes into agriculture. Foreign investors cannot purchase land, it can only be leased for a maximum of 25 years through open auctions. For example, the Lihua Group, a Chinese company engaged in cotton cultivation and seed production in the Kashkadarya and Tashkent regions, operates on non-irrigated, low-yield lands, applying modern technologies to boost productivity. Chinese investments have also played a role in Uzbekistan’s industrial and technological advancement. The BYD automobile plant in Jizzakh, a key project, has created 1,500 jobs, with most positions held by Uzbeks. In 2024, an additional 200 Uzbek specialists are set to receive training at BYD facilities in China. Meanwhile, over 20 energy projects worth $9 billion are being implemented with Chinese involvement, with the majority of workers being Uzbek specialists. Government Rebuttal and Legal Framework On March 6, 2024, Uzbekistan’s Cadastral Agency issued an official statement dismissing rumors of land sales. According to Article 17 of the Land Code, foreign individuals and entities can only lease land, not own it. Additionally, the Law on the Privatization of Non-Agricultural Land Plots explicitly prohibits foreign citizens and businesses from participating in privatization. The agency further clarified that even Uzbek citizens cannot privatize agricultural land, and it categorically rejected the claims of land sales to foreigners as false. Authorities have urged the public to rely on verified information and to refrain from spreading misleading reports.

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Uzbekistan Ratchets Up Drive Against “Evil” of Corruption

Uzbek President Shavkat Mirziyoyev announced a major shakeup of Uzbekistan’s campaign against corruption on Wednesday, ordering the dismissal of the heads of anti-corruption bodies in 117 ministries and departments and saying many officials had fostered mistrust by failing to deliver clean government as promised. Mirziyoyev, who took office in 2016, described corruption as an obstacle to Uzbekistan’s efforts to reform its economy. He said that, while there had been progress toward transparency, virtually every sector in the nation, including the media, schoolteachers, non-governmental groups and neighborhood authorities, should mobilize alongside the state to fight the scourge. “Corruption is such an evil that it undermines people's trust in the state, the Constitution and laws, and becomes a serious threat to sustainable development and security,” Mirziyoyev said at a meeting of the National Anti-Corruption Council, which was established in 2020 to lead efforts to curb graft. International groups that study corruption have long said that autocratic tendencies, opaque bureaucracy and weak justice systems in Central Asia make it hard for those countries to get a comprehensive grip on the problem and hold the powerful – regardless of their political allegiances - to account for any wrongdoing. Even so, Kazakhstan has taken some notable steps, expanding its outreach to other countries in an effort to recover stolen assets and considering the establishment of a public register of officials convicted of corruption-related offenses. Uzbekistan has similarly made advances, while falling short on enforcement and other pledges. A 2024 report by the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development noted that prosecution of corruption offenses in Uzbekistan “is generally ensured, but more efforts should be directed at countering high-level corruption;” that there is no specialized legislation related to the protection of whistleblowers; and that while Uzbekistan has a business ombudsman institution, “companies do not report cases of corruption for fear of negative repercussions from the state.” Mirziyoyev’s remarks, which included scathing criticism of the alleged passivity of some officials, appeared designed to give new momentum to the kind of openness that his government deems essential to a successful, diversified economy. “The Prime Minister was instructed to dismiss the heads of the "internal anti-corruption control" structures in 117 ministries and departments and replace them with honest, dedicated and professional personnel, and to set clear tasks for them,” Sherzod Asadov, the presidential press secretary, said in an account of the meeting that he posted on Facebook. Ministers will directly employ regional compliance officers and “take political responsibility and personally answer for corruption in the entire system,” according to the account. Uzbekistan’s Minister of Emergency Situations, Abdulla Kuldashev, was recently fired because of fire safety bureaucracy and legal violations, the president said. He also expressed frustration that he had to personally instruct measures against wasteful spending in investment and healthcare programs last year, resulting in the saving of several hundred million dollars. "But why should these works begin after the president gives an order?" he said. One measure that Uzbekistan previously introduced is an index that rates the openness of...

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Powering the Future: Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan Race to Tackle Energy Crises with Nuclear Plans

Kazakhstan has officially designated the site for its first nuclear power plant (NPP), while Uzbekistan has also identified a location and announced plans to establish an international consortium. Despite severe power shortages in densely populated regions, concrete timelines for construction remain unclear. Kazakhstan Finalizes NPP Site Selection On February 25, Kazakhstan formally approved the construction site for its first NPP. A decree signed by Prime Minister Olzhas Bektenov designated the Zhambyl district in the Almaty region as the site for the facility. President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev reiterated in January 2025 that Kazakhstan would likely require multiple nuclear power plants, and urged the government to accelerate the construction process. International Consortium Considered for Construction Kazakhstan has yet to finalize its choice of technology and contractor. In 2024, Tokayev stated that multiple foreign companies should collaborate on the project through an international consortium. Tokayev emphasized the need for cutting-edge technology from global players. Several companies and technologies are currently under consideration, including: CNNC (China) - HPR-1000 reactor Rosatom (Russia) - VVER-1200 reactor KHNP (South Korea) - APR-1000, APR-1400 reactors EDF (France) - EPR1200 reactor. Political analyst Gaziz Abishev noted that the selection of locations and contractors reflects Kazakhstan’s multi-vector foreign policy. Abishev suggested that Kazakhstan could ultimately build three NPPs, potentially awarding contracts to Rosatom, a Chinese-French consortium, and a South Korean firm. While Rosatom remains the frontrunner, only preliminary agreements with Russia have been reported so far. Urgency Amidst a Growing Energy Deficit Kazakhstan faces an urgent need to begin NPP construction due to its increasing electricity shortfall. In 2024, electricity consumption reached 120.6 billion kWh, while production stood at 118.3 billion kWh, resulting in a 2.4 billion kWh deficit. By 2025, the deficit is projected to rise to 3.3 billion kWh. The situation is particularly dire in southern Kazakhstan, where demand far exceeds supply. The region consumes 27.7 billion kWh but produces only 15.3 billion kWh, creating a 12.4 billion kWh deficit. As a result, Kazakhstan is heavily reliant on Russian electricity imports. Aging infrastructure exacerbates the crisis. In the winters of 2023-2024, power plant failures left residents in the towns of Ridder and Ekibastuz without heat during extreme subzero temperatures. The government reports that 66% of CHPP equipment is worn out, with five major plants, in Uralsk, Stepnogorsk, Taraz, Kyzylorda, and Kentau, operating with over 80% wear and tear. The average age of CHPPs in Kazakhstan is 61 years, with 76% of plants exceeding 50 years of operation. Experts argue that Kazakhstan cannot achieve energy independence without nuclear power. The energy deficit will continue to grow, particularly in Almaty, the country’s largest city, which is at risk of blackouts and rolling outages. Uzbekistan Moves Forward with Its First NPP Uzbekistan is also advancing its nuclear energy plans. The first NPP will be built in the Jizzakh region, approximately 1,000 km from Kazakhstan’s planned plant. In May 2024, Uzatom signed a contract with Atomstroyexport, a division of Rosatom, for the construction of a 330 MW low-capacity nuclear plant consisting of six...