• KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00194 -0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10877 -0%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00194 -0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10877 -0%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00194 -0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10877 -0%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00194 -0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10877 -0%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00194 -0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10877 -0%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00194 -0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10877 -0%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00194 -0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10877 -0%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00194 -0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10877 -0%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0%
16 December 2025

Kazakhstan Turns from Pipelines to Processors

Kazakhstan’s strategic plan for advanced computing represents a diversification of its traditional oil, gas, and transit profile and of the wider national economy. A $2 billion Nvidia-linked initiative now turns on three main elements. First is a national supercomputer using Nvidia H200 chips, with headline AI performance around 2 exaflops. Second is a planned 100 MW data-center campus, designed to expand capacity for commercial users over several years. Third is a “sovereign AI hub” concept that promises long-term chip access for sensitive public-sector workloads.

Prior to this package, Kazakhstan had already moved unusually quickly to build high-end AI and computing infrastructure, treating digital capacity as central to its development policy. The national supercomputer is now the most powerful system in Central Asia and is housed in a Tier III state data center intended for use by universities, startups, and corporate tenants. The hardware push accompanies a wider digital policy agenda, including new training programs with Nvidia to expand the country’s AI talent base. Parallel initiatives with the United States seek to anchor Kazakhstan more firmly within Western regulatory and connectivity frameworks, as part of a broader attempt to move beyond hydrocarbons and build domestic capability in computation-heavy activities.

Kazakhstan’s New AI Statecraft

Astana is presenting the Nvidia package as an economic instrument, not just a hardware upgrade. Senior officials now describe advanced computing as a new pillar of national development, on a par with hydrocarbons and transit. Recent policy statements frame AI and digital infrastructure as central, not a side theme of “innovation” policy. In parallel, the long-running “Digital Kazakhstan” agenda has moved from e-government and broadband roll-out into a second phase where data centers, national platforms, and specialized training come to the foreground.

Within that shift, “sovereign AI” is becoming a core organizing idea. Officials and local specialists talk about national language models that can handle Kazakh, Russian, and other regional languages, and about keeping sensitive public-sector data on infrastructure under national jurisdiction. The new supercomputer and the sovereign AI hub are presented as the place where that work will happen at scale: training and serving models for government services, regulatory tasks, and domestic firms, rather than relying entirely on foreign platforms. The Nvidia partnership is therefore framed as a way to secure long-term access to leading chips for these “sovereign” workloads, even as global export rules tighten.

The same initiative also underwrites a shift in Kazakhstan’s self-presentation from a “pipeline corridor” to Kazakhstan as a corridor for data and high-end digital services. The government has begun to link the sovereign AI hub and supercomputer to a set of fiber-optic projects across the Caspian that aim to tie Central Asia more tightly into Eurasian data routes. The same geography that once made Kazakhstan a crucial link for oil, gas, and rail freight can now make it a regional conduit for digital traffic and AI-enabled services.

Kazakhstan is also using the package to deepen a specific diplomatic track with the United States. Joint announcements and working groups on digital transformation, cybersecurity, and AI skills are now regular features of the C5+1 agenda and related visits. Astana presents advanced computing infrastructure in Kazakhstan not as a purely commercial purchase but as part of a broader political alignment. By stressing transparency, security, and cooperation with Western firms and agencies, Astana is seeking to reassure Washington that high-end hardware on its territory will not become an uncontrolled channel toward Moscow or Beijing.

Domestically, the government is beginning to assemble a set of complementary measures. Officials have outlined targeted tax and customs relief for high-tech imports and special regimes for data centers. They intend to provide public funding for AI-related education as mutually reinforcing instruments. President Tokayev has also proposed measures to retain top foreign graduates in sectors such as information technology, to expand the pool of specialists who can actually use the new systems. These steps remain modest by global standards, but they give the Nvidia initiative a clearer policy context: it is not only a prestige project, but a focal point around which Kazakhstan is trying to organize its next phase of digital and economic development.

Regional Race for AI Hub Status

Kazakhstan is currently the regional leader in physical infrastructure. As mentioned above, its new supercomputer is already the most powerful system in Central Asia and is backed by a state Tier III facility for public, academic, and corporate use. At the same time, foreign partners are financing a Tier IV data center complex in Astana that is aiming for up to 100 megawatts of capacity. Additional sites in the Akmola and Karaganda regions are planned. Together, these projects give Kazakhstan a strong claim to be Central Asia’s main concentration point for advanced computing.

Uzbekistan, however, is trying to narrow the gap by presenting itself as the region’s next AI and technology hub. Tashkent has launched a partnership with Nvidia to create an AI Center of Excellence, training programs, and initial infrastructure, including two AI clusters that together are expected to reach about 1 megawatt of capacity by 2026. In parallel, the Karakalpakstan region is being promoted as a tax-free zone for AI and data-center projects, anchored by a 12-megawatt facility under construction by the Saudi firm, DataVolt.

At the Central Asian scale, “hub” in this context means something more modest than the global cloud centers in Europe or Southeast Asia. The real contest is over who can offer reliable data-center campuses in the tens of megawatts, tied to improving regional connectivity from the planned Trans-Caspian fiber-optic cable between Aktau and Sumgait to new terrestrial links across the Middle Corridor. By this measure, Kazakhstan is well placed to become the dominant AI and data-center node for Central Asia and parts of the wider Caspian neighborhood.

Constraints of Power, Law, People, and Export Controls

The first constraint is power. A 100-megawatt data-center campus needs a grid that can feed that load reliably throughout the year. As recent coverage in The Times of Central Asia makes clear, Kazakhstan is still managing recurring power strains and is only now committing to a new generation of baseload projects. Parallel efforts to modernize aging power stations and grid infrastructure are underway with foreign partners, as well as moves to create a unified digital platform for energy-sector management.

A second constraint is legal and regulatory depth. Kazakhstan has taken visible steps to build modern commercial frameworks, notably through the Astana International Financial Centre, which was launched with multilateral support as a regional financial hub under English-language common law. But Kazakhstan cannot yet offer the long track record, specialist dispute-resolution practice, or granular data-protection jurisprudence that make Singapore or the Netherlands attractive to global cloud platforms. The most likely tenants for sovereign-AI and high-performance systems in the near term will be state agencies, local banks and telecoms, and a limited set of regional corporates.

Human capital is the third piece. Kazakhstan’s leadership has started to treat this as a strategic issue. Recent analysis in TCA has framed human capital and AI as foundations for regional leadership rather than afterthoughts, while more sector-specific analysis has examined how domestic AI projects and training tracks are emerging around the Nvidia partnership. The question is whether these initiatives can expand fast enough, and on competitive terms, to keep specialists from moving to better-paid roles elsewhere.

Finally, export-control and sanctions risks remain an important background condition for any Nvidia-based expansion of computing infrastructure, given the tightening U.S. rules on advanced AI hardware since 2022. In Kazakhstan’s case, these issues have been addressed directly through high-level engagement with U.S. counterparts, including understandings around licensing and end-use assurances for high-end Nvidia systems. Continued access nevertheless depends on specific export licenses to secure high-end Nvidia chips under the current regime. Kazakhstan must show both credible end-use controls and a clean separation from sanctioned actors. Any uncertainty could cap the class of Nvidia technology deployed in Kazakhstan. The more clearly Astana can demonstrate transparent governance, verifiable safeguards, and alignment with U.S. and allied security concerns, the more durable its access to top-tier hardware is likely to be.

Tests of the Structural Shift

The Nvidia-linked package has not appeared from out of nowhere. It comes after several years of policy movement, closely followed by TCA, where Kazakhstan has, in its own language, sought to redefine itself as a regional “digital nexus,” making AI and human capital central to its claim for continued Central Asian leadership. The $2 billion initiative, therefore, represents an attempt to lock in a new pillar of national strategy that integrates advanced computing infrastructure under national jurisdiction, tied to regional data routes across the Caspian.

Singapore’s rise as a computing center was the product of a deliberate, multi-decade industrial strategy that fused regulatory predictability with aggressive investment in digital infrastructure. From the early 2000s, policymakers treated data centers as a productivity-enhancing export sector, using the Economic Development Board to attract foreign cloud providers, while the Infocomm Development Authority expanded fiber backbones and subsidized subsea cable landings.

Crucially, Singapore’s early and sustained emphasis on rule-of-law institutions, intellectual-property protections, and the reliability of the power system created conditions conducive to large-scale digital investment. Over the years, this combination of institutional depth and physical connectivity enabled the city-state to emerge as a dense, capital-intensive cluster anchoring Southeast Asia’s digital economy.

Three practical tests over the next three to five years will indicate whether Kazakhstan succeeds in its structural shift. One test will be how much of the promised 100 megawatts of data-center capacity is actually energized, how many Nvidia-class systems are installed, and how consistently they run. A second test is whether the main users remain state entities and a narrow circle of local firms, making Kazakhstan a national AI node rather than a regional hub. A third test is rule-making and trust, meaning visible progress on data and investment law, and clean export-license decisions.

Climate, state leverage, domestic demand, and cost base make Kazakhstan a logical candidate for this type of build-out. A real structural shift will depend on strong political will, a credible future energy mix, serious connectivity, and external trust. The Kazakhstani leadership has held Singapore as an exemplar to emulate since the mid-1990s, usually invoked as an aspirational direction for domestic economic reforms. Bilateral relations are very good and multifarious; President Tokayev undertook a state visit to Singapore in May 2024. Consequently, talk about Kazakhstan emerging as the “next Singapore” should not be directly tied to the Nvidia chip deal.

Kazakhstan is on track to consolidate its existing role as the AI data-center leader in Central Asia, with the potential of becoming a key node in global networks. The main bottleneck now is long-haul fiber infrastructure; the so-called TRIPP route through the South Caucasus significantly improves prospects for a new high-capacity digital corridor between Kazakhstan and Europe. A Kazakhstan–Europe backbone route, combining the Caspian and South Caucasus segments, is technically straightforward. Actual capex would depend heavily on routing, landing stations, redundancy, and capacity. Nevertheless, it would likely cost in the mid–hundreds of millions of dollars, a scale Kazakhstan can realistically support as a lead investor within a wider consortium. Singapore’s dense submarine-cable connectivity, specialized finance, and high-trust regulation sets the benchmark for Central Asian states—and others—aspiring to become major digital hubs.

Pannier and Hillard’s Spotlight on Central Asia: New Episode Available Now

As Managing Editor of The Times of Central Asia, I’m delighted that, in partnership with the Oxus Society for Central Asian Affairs, from October 19, we are the home of the Spotlight on Central Asia podcast. Chaired by seasoned broadcasters Bruce Pannier of RFE/RL’s long-running Majlis podcast and Michael Hillard of The Red Line, each fortnightly instalment will take you on a deep dive into the latest news, developments, security issues, and social trends across an increasingly pivotal region.

This week, we’re unpacking Turkmenistan’s Neutrality Summit, a rare moment where a string of big names quietly rolled into Ashgabat, and where the public messaging mattered just as much as the backroom deals. We’ll also cut through the noise on the latest reporting from the Tajik–Afghan border, where misinformation is colliding with real security developments on the ground. From there, we’ll take a hard look at the results of Kyrgyzstan’s elections, what they actually tell us about where Bishkek is heading next, and what they don’t, before examining the looming power rationing now shaping daily life and political pressure in two Central Asian states.

And to wrap it up, we’re joined by two outstanding experts for a frank conversation on gendered violence in Central Asia: what’s changing, what isn’t, and why the official statistics may only capture a fraction of the reality. On the show this week: Daryana Gryaznova (Equality Now) Svetlana Dzardanova (Human Rights and Corruption Researcher)

“I Miss Everything:” Friends, Officials Mourn Uzbek Student Slain in the U.S.

MukhammadAziz Umurzokov, one of two students killed by a gunman at Brown University on Dec. 13, seemed to be making the most of life after moving to the United States from Uzbekistan with his family some years ago. He hoped to become a neurosurgeon, according to a sister, and his acceptance into the elite university in Rhode Island signaled that he was on the way to achieving his goals.

So, the killing of Umurzokov, along with that of student Ella Cook of Alabama, hit hard for some people who, though accustomed to periodic news of mass shootings in the United States, were especially saddened that lives of such promise ended in violence. In Umurzokov’s case, he was mourned from the halls of power and diplomacy in the Uzbek capital of Tashkent to the suburbs of Richmond, Virginia, where he went to high school.

“The loss of innocent lives as a result of this tragedy is a heavy loss for all of us,” Akhror Burkhanov, press secretary for Uzbekistan’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs, said on X. “Representatives of the missions of the Republic of Uzbekistan in the United States are in constant contact with the relatives of the deceased and are working closely with the relevant U.S. agencies on all issues.”

Jonathan Henick, the U.S. ambassador to Uzbekistan, also expressed his sadness over the killings at Brown.

“We extend our sincere condolences to Mr. Umurzokov’s family, friends, and fellow students and mourn the loss of his bright future,” Henick said in a statement.

He added the Uzbek-language phrase: “Marhumni Xudo rahmat qilsin” (May God have mercy on the deceased).

The Uzbek American Association issued a tribute to the Uzbek student, saying: “His passing has left an immeasurable void in the hearts of his family, friends, classmates, and the broader Uzbek American community.”

Some comments from old friends in the United States suggested that Umurzokov, as a member of the Uzbek diaspora, was integrated into the rhythms of American life.

“I miss everything,” Jameson Huang said on the GoFundMe page that was set up by Umurzokov’s sister, Samira Umurzokova. “Let’s catch up one day in Publix, drinking Arizonas and eating mac and cheese. Let’s race our cars and see who’s faster. Let’s redo the chaos of the college application cycle and the late night calls and hangouts. One day man, one day. For now, rest easy and stay safe up there.”

Kazakhstan’s Independence Day: Plenty to Cheer, More to Consider

As Kazakhstan prepares to celebrate its Independence Day on December 16th, The Times of Central Asia (TCA) sat down with its special correspondent, Javier M. Piedra, a banker, corporate executive, writer, and seasoned international development expert whose professional ties to Kazakhstan date back to 2000. Piedra lived in Kazakhstan for 16 years. Over that time, he headed KPMG’s M&A (2007 – 2012), set up a credit bureau – the only one in the region at the time – and was a senior advisor for a private equity fund. He also taught corporate finance at Narxoz University. Back in Washington, he later managed USAID’s multibillion-dollar Asia Bureau under Donald Trump. Drawing on decades of experience in financial consulting, international development, and regional policy, Piedra offers wide-ranging insights into the nation’s evolution since 1991.

In this conversation, he reflects on the mindset of Kazakhstan’s leadership – especially in recent years – that has led to, despite challenges, to its achievements – from economic reforms and institutional development to social progress and an increasingly dynamic national outlook. He highlights milestones worth celebrating, offers guidance to the next generation, and provides nuanced commentary on religious freedom and the country’s ongoing development path.

The views expressed in this interview are those of the speaker and do not necessarily reflect the editorial position of The Times of Central Asia.

TCA: As Kazakhstan marks Independence Day on December 16, what core achievements of the country are most worth celebrating at this moment in its history?

Piedra: On December 16th, I expect – and this is good news – President Tokayev to repeat what he said last year, i.e., “I am convinced that by maintaining our unity, tranquility and stability in society, we will overcome all challenges and reach new heights on the path of progress.” Put simply, Kazakhstan can stay unified and stable despite challenges if it commits to doing so. People need to hear this message because it is positive, and the record supports his optimism. It is worth celebrating the country’s positive attitude and confidence in the future.

Kazakhstan’s greatest achievement since independence, despite forces pushing in the contrary direction, has been the ability of its multiethnic and multicultural society to flourish. Kazakhstan has preserved unity, strengthened friendships with neighbors, ensured economic freedoms, and inspired its youth with hope, despite trials, corruption, and human shortcomings.

Kazakhstan’s dedication to unity is strengthened by its refusal to get pulled into unnecessary geopolitical ambitions or Great Power maneuverings that tend to rob countries of their sovereignty; this mindset is worth celebrating on Independence Day.

TCA: You mention “confidence in the future.” What does that mean in the context of Independence Day?

Piedra: The early days of Independence were rough, very rough, not only for Kazakhstan, but for the rest of the countries of Central Asia. Since independence in 1991, Kazakhstan has worked hard to build social and institutional structures that enable people to have greater “confidence in the future,” and there were many mistakes made, but Kazakhstan came away stronger and clearer-eyed. As I mentioned already, without a positive outlook, pessimism and negativity could have set in, destroying the common man’s ability to participate in the building of the nation. But that did not happen.

Over time, an increasing number of citizens recognized Kazakhstan’s development path as sound, since everyday life remained comparatively calm and stable even amid uncertainty, cronyism, institutional weaknesses, and assorted other corruption-related difficulties.

Independence shows itself when fear, despair, and disorder are limited in society. Kazakhstan’s ongoing commitment to its traditional values, though not without flaws, contributes to the sense of “confidence in the future.”

TCA: How would you describe Kazakhstan’s approach to nation-building and governance since independence, particularly in terms of its socio-economic model and the values that underpin it?

Piedra: One can debate the meaning of ‘nation-building,’ both in theory and in practice. But it is my sense that Kazakhstan has tried to implement a system of governance oriented to the common welfare, which means the implementation of a socio-economic program that respects human dignity, subsidiarity, and solidarity – these are important concepts. Astana has been putting in place the socio-political infrastructure to help all people and communities, not just the privileged, maintain their families and make ends meet. Fortunately, Kazakhstan recognized that nation-building required ditching the legacy of Soviet atheism in the body politic and society. That recognition, however, did not mean embracing forms of ideological neoliberal atheism as an economic model – but that is a different story which I can touch upon later.

TCA: What are some of the changes that have been made over the past five years? You speak of subsidiarity; what is the meaning of subsidiarity?

Piedra: I am glad you flagged the term “subsidiarity,” which is a fundamental principle, in my opinion, for meaningful change at an organic level. In the context of Kazakhstan, subsidiary means that Kazakhstan’s leadership has been comfortable with the idea that decisions – social, economic, and political – should be made as close to the people affected by those decisions as possible, with outside authorities stepping in only as and when local groups truly cannot handle problems or deliver on a public service. More work needs to be done. but the concept of subsidiarity is not foreign to the cultures of Central Asia.

At a structural level, changes have come about through political reforms that strengthen institutions and demand responsible governance at a local level. The process of reforms, of course, is a work in progress and filled with shortcomings, but at least it seems that genuine efforts are being made to decentralize decision-making.

At the economic level, the country is shifting from raw-material dependence towards diversified industries, SME growth, value-added exports, and stronger educational systems to support long-term development.

TCA: There is a lot of talk in the West about the need to reform the reigning – and many would argue failed – global economic system of ideological neoliberalism. In the context of Kazakhstan, can you share your thoughts?

Piedra: In the first instance, I must say that there is more to economics and economic theory than productivity, shareholder wealth, efficiency, and the implementation of cost-saving measures – that is all good. But Kazakhstan, it seems to me, based on years of observation, sees economic development more from the perspective of common good capitalism – at least at a policy level – than from that of corporate shareholders and minority special interest groups. This, in my opinion, is worth celebrating on Independence Day. Kazakhstan wants economic opportunity available over time to the majority on a stable basis, which is a measure of success in itself.

At a more granular level, Kazakhstan’s experience reflects its broader reckoning with neoliberalism as an economic model. In the West, neoliberalism promised prosperity but more often than not produced inequality and impoverished millions, resulting in oligarchic wealth concentration without meaningful trickle-down. Experience shows that unfettered privatization in Central Asia in the 1990s undermined social trust.

Recognizing this, in recent years, Kazakhstan introduced a new paradigm – curbing oligarchic dominance, promoting SME development, and supporting local enterprise through targeted financing and regulation. It also favored pragmatic entrepreneurship over cold economic ideology that lacks any empathy for the common man, the family, and society at large. This is worth celebrating as well.

TCA: Independence Day is especially meaningful for the younger generation. What guidance or message would you like to offer to young Kazakhs as they contribute to the country’s future development?

Piedra: Kazakhstan’s young people, shaped by respect for a multicultural society, benefit from living in a nation that prioritizes its citizens over special interests and agendas disconnected from the country’s future. What I mean is that the youth should not be mesmerized by terms like “globalism” and “multiculturalism” in an ideological sense – those ideas tend to facilitate the elimination of a nation’s personal history and identity.

What’s more, Independence Day should hold resonance among Kazakhstan’s youth as a testament to tangible progress since the turbulent 1990s – an era marked by post-Soviet chaos and institutional breakdown. Students in college today do not remember those days. Youth should sit down with elders and ask questions and listen instead of – if I may say – playing games or engaging in senseless blabber on the internet.

There’s another point I’d like to make – and it is a note of warning. Even though credit expansion – bank lending at the retail level – sounds great, students should be vigilant. While youth benefit from enhanced access to business/housing finance, financial literacy does not guarantee against overindebtedness and credit schemes designed to create unnecessary dependencies. One’s desires should not be financed by others’ money or wishful thinking. Those dependencies often lead to despair and a sense of helplessness. A healthy society avoids overindebtedness.

TCA: Speaking of demographics, since Independence, Kazakhstan’s population growth has been significant. Is this a measure of success? Is it a matter to celebrate on Independence Day?

Piedra: President Tokayev said this past September that “The family is a sacred concept for our people. Every person, first of all, is shaped as an individual within their cherished home, where they learn by example and absorb the noble qualities inherent in a true citizen. Thanks to the upbringing received in the family, our country raises patriotic, hardworking, educated, and cultured generations.” That mindset is something to celebrate on Independence Day and an attitude that, unfortunately, has been lost to many in the so-called developed world.

The family is the fundamental building block of society.  Family cohesion matters because it strengthens the fabric of society, and a strong society underpins economic stability and growth. By celebrating children, supporting motherhood and childhood, and promoting traditional family values, as Kazakhstan does, the country is not only fostering demographic growth and national solidarity, but also building a reliable foundation for long‑term prosperity. Yes – new children and healthy families are worth celebrating on this Independence Day.

TCA: President Tokayev talked about the need for civility, not rudeness, in everyday life in his Republic Day address this past October. What did he mean?

Piedra: Yes, President Tokayev made comments about the need for more civil behavior in his Republic Day Address. I think Tokayev was saying that true independence means acting in accordance with – making every effort to live by – traditional values and civil norms of behavior while keeping in mind the common good of the nation. Tokayev sees refined manners – or, in his words, “culture, integrity, and decency,” i.e., civilized behavior – as essential for genuine human development.  He has stated that “rudeness, profanity, and brawls have unfortunately become commonplace [in society]” and exhorted people to “develop an intolerance towards insults, cruelty, and violence.”

In his recent State of the Nation speech, Tokayev said that “[Our citizens] must unite and support each other and rid ourselves of such negative qualities as envy and ill will.” Most anywhere else, that would draw jeers, not cheers. Tokayev went further: “Disparaging someone’s work, ridiculing their opinion, or denigrating another person are actions alien to a developed, civilized society and are even shameful”.

It is difficult to imagine a European head of state who would, in a major public address, articulate concerns about civilized behavior, mocking others, and envy. In my opinion, a free and independent society will discuss these matters openly, and that is another reason to celebrate.

TCA: Moving onto a sensitive issue, would it be fair to say that the status of religious freedom in Kazakhstan is a matter to celebrate or decry three decades after independence in 1991?

Piedra: Religious freedom is a sensitive issue. I will therefore stick to what I know best. Since Kazakhstan’s independence in 1991, the Catholic Church has grown from a tiny, formerly repressed community into a stable nationwide institution. Under Soviet rule, there were only about two registered Catholic churches – in hidden-away places for private worship – but by 2024, the institutional Catholic Church had expanded to more than 70 parishes and a significant network of pastoral centers with an open and public community life. Clergy and religious personnel – who may walk outdoors publicly wearing a cassock if they so wish – have also increased: from a handful of priests in the early 1990s to around 95 priests and 105 religious sisters today. Is that a good or bad thing?

Although the exact numbers fluctuate, the Catholic population today in Kazakhstan is estimated at less than 150,000, representing a small but steady minority despite significant emigration of ethnic-German and Polish Catholics after independence.

This growth is remarkable because it occurred after decades of Soviet repression, when the Church had almost no legal presence in the country and operated largely underground. After independence, new freedoms allowed the Vatican to establish dioceses, rebuild institutions, and open parishes across the country. These churches are perfectly visible and often smack in the middle of town in plain view. The Catholic church also diversified from a mostly European-origin community into a multiethnic one. Its expansion – despite a decline among traditional Catholic groups – reflects institutional depth, growing pastoral capacity, and the ability to sustain a meaningful religious presence in the public square in a majority-Muslim nation. As a final note, Pope John Paul II and Pope Francis, who visited Kazakhstan on separate occasions, met with the President of the Republic. I was there on both occasions.

TCA: Concerning geopolitics, do you think it’s true that Kazakhstan is a force for peace in the region and on the world stage?

Piedra: Kazakhstan has positioned itself as a magnet for stability in Central Asia – but this is true in part because the other countries in the region are of the same mindset. Kazakhstan seeks cooperation and compromise instead of conflict on the international stage. It also has an emergent middle power status, pursuing diplomatic mediation, reconciliation, and open border policies beyond Central Asia. To its credit, Kazakhstan has worked to reduce long-standing tensions in other parts of the world, expand intraregional trade, and promote connectivity via transport corridors – the Middle Corridor and the North-South Corridor are but two examples. No other country has organized as many regional forums over the past 25 years as Kazakhstan. These efforts reflect a growing emphasis on diplomacy, with Kazakhstan working as a convening and stabilizing actor in the international arena. Kazakhstan has not taken sides in others’ conflicts or ambitions, but rather engaged thoughtfully and constructively. That is worth celebrating on Independence Day.

TCA: Explain how Kazakhstan has maintained its foreign policy independence despite close relations with China, Russia, the United States, and Europe.

Piedra: Kazakhstan maintains foreign policy independence by skillfully balancing relations with major powers. While it has close economic ties with Russia and China, it also engages the United States and Europe, leveraging these relationships to achieve mutually beneficial outcomes. India is also increasingly in the picture. Through smart diplomacy, Kazakhstan ensures that no single country can dominate its decisions, pursuing realistic ambitions without alienating any partner.

The country reinforces its autonomy by emphasizing its sovereignty, stability, and active participation in international organizations. By promoting win-win deals and a pragmatic, rules-based approach to global engagement, Kazakhstan secures its interests while navigating the regional balance of power, preserving both independence and influence. That is also worth celebrating.

From the Steppe to Space: Kazakhstan Tests First Direct-to-Cell Phone Call

In a remote part of Kazakhstan, a standard 4G smartphone has made Central Asia’s first satellite-linked phone call, thanks to a field test by Beeline Kazakhstan and SpaceX’s Starlink network. The trial successfully routed a WhatsApp voice call and text messages through Starlink Direct-to-Cell satellites, demonstrating that ordinary phones can stay connected even where traditional mobile coverage ends.

The demonstration was carried out in Kazakhstan’s Akmolinskaya region and confirmed the interoperability between Starlink’s satellites and Beeline’s terrestrial network. During the test, Beeline Kazakhstan CEO Evgeniy Nastradin and Kazakhstan’s Deputy Prime Minister Zhaslan Madiyev placed a WhatsApp audio call via Starlink to VEON Group CEO Kaan Terzioglu using a regular smartphone and SIM card. They also exchanged SMS and WhatsApp messages, effectively merging satellite links with the country’s mobile infrastructure for the first time.

Kazakhstan has vast stretches of steppe and mountains where cell towers are sparse. Officials involved in the project say satellite-enabled connectivity offers a vital new layer of coverage for these remote regions. “Starlink’s Direct-to-Cell satellites make it possible to stay connected in places where traditional infrastructure is unavailable: in the mountains, the steppe, forests, and across long distances,” Madiyev noted, calling the technology “more than just a convenience – it is an important safety measure [that will ensure people] can stay connected in any part of the country.” Madiyev added that the ability to send a message from a dead zone without any special equipment “has the potential to save lives” in emergencies.

Beeline Kazakhstan’s leadership similarly emphasized the significance of the milestone. By blending Starlink’s space-based relays with Beeline’s ground towers, customers will be able to stay connected anywhere in Kazakhstan. The initiative has government support and is backed by Kazakhstan’s Ministry of Artificial Intelligence and Digital Development as part of a push to improve nationwide connectivity.

Starlink Direct-to-Cell is a new capability of SpaceX’s Starlink satellite internet constellation that effectively turns satellites into cell towers in space. The satellites carry special cellular antennas (eNodeB modems) and link with ground networks via laser backhaul, allowing a phone to connect to the satellite as if roaming on a normal network. Crucially, this works with existing phones without requiring any new hardware or apps. The technology aims to eliminate mobile dead zones, as over 50% of the world’s land area still lacks cellular coverage.

The Kazakhstan trial is part of a broader wave of satellite-cellular convergence. In November, Ukraine became the first country in Europe to launch Starlink’s direct-to-phone service, with VEON’s subsidiary Kyivstar initially offering satellite-powered text messaging to keep people connected during wartime blackouts and disaster situations. Voice calling and data services are expected to follow next year, underscoring the technology’s value for resilience when traditional infrastructure is disrupted.

Following this week’s successful test, Beeline Kazakhstan plans to roll out Starlink Direct-to-Cell connectivity for its own customers, beginning with SMS text services in 2026, pending regulatory approval. Data connectivity would come next, expanding to full-service coverage in phases. Beeline serves over eleven million mobile subscribers in Kazakhstan, and the satellite link could eventually ensure that even the most isolated villages stay within reach of a signal. VEON – Beeline’s parent company – was the first telecom group to sign a multi-country framework agreement with Starlink to bring direct-to-cell service to all its markets. The Kazakh project is VEON’s second such deployment after Ukraine, part of a regional push to integrate space-based coverage for greater network resilience and inclusivity.

VEON Group CEO Kaan Terzioglu said the collaboration with Starlink positions the company “at the forefront of inclusive connectivity” in its region, raising the bar for reliable service in challenging environments.

Dozens of Human Trafficking Attempts Prevented in Kazakhstan

Kazakh law enforcement agencies have disrupted dozens of serious human trafficking attempts during the nationwide STOP-Traffic operational and preventive campaign, according to the Ministry of Internal Affairs.

The ministry reported 39 recorded cases of attempted human trafficking, including six involving minors. In Almaty, authorities dismantled a criminal group engaged in the illegal sale of newborns. According to investigators, the suspects exploited vulnerable young women by persuading them to give up their babies in exchange for money. More than 20 criminal cases have been opened, and all suspects have been detained. If convicted, they face up to 18 years in prison and confiscation of property.

In the Abai Region, law enforcement uncovered forced labor operations involving local citizens. Eleven criminal cases have been initiated, and the case files are being prepared for court proceedings, the ministry said.

Routine inspections of nightlife venues in several regions, including Shymkent, Zhambyl, Aktobe, West Kazakhstan, Karaganda, and Kostanay, also led to the prevention of exploitative practices involving both adults and minors.

In Astana, police and prosecutors conducted targeted raids near the city’s railway station on Goethe Street. Eight individuals are currently under prosecution for organizing and operating brothels for sexual exploitation.

Meanwhile, in the Akmola Region, the activities of a religious group operating a so-called “spiritual center” were halted. Law enforcement seized religious literature, ceremonial items, and ritual objects. Expert examinations have been ordered, and the investigation remains ongoing.

Authorities also documented the operations of “elite escort” services in Astana, Almaty, and Shymkent. The organizers allegedly recruited young women from nightclubs and bars. Related criminal cases have been submitted to court on charges of organizing prostitution.

In the first half of 2025, Kazakhstan recorded 134 crimes related to human trafficking. This comes amid the implementation of a new national law on combating human trafficking, which took effect in 2024. The law was developed by the Ministry of Internal Affairs with technical support from the International Organization for Migration.