Central Asia Finesses Pressure over Russia, Sanctions
Kyrgyzstan says it will cooperate with regional heavyweight Russia despite appeals from some Western countries not to do so. The comment by President Sadyr Japarov of Kyrgyzstan reflects a broader effort by Central Asian countries to balance longstanding economic and security ties with Moscow alongside relationships with Europe and the United States, which have imposed multiple sanctions packages on Russia since its full-scale invasion of Ukraine in February 2022. “Certainly, there are Western countries that ask us not to cooperate with Russia,” Japarov said in an interview with the state-run Kabar news agency that was published on Wednesday. “However, I always openly and sincerely respond to them: ´We cannot refuse to cooperate with Russia. Our trade turnover with Russia exceeds $4 billion. We buy oil, gas, wheat and other foodstuffs from Russia. Geographically, we are in a landlocked area. Our road and rail routes to the world pass through Russia. Russia hosts about a million of our migrants. How can we not cooperate with Russia?”´ Japarov noted that trade between some European Union countries and Russia runs into billions of dollars a year despite sanctions, saying: “When you need it, you cooperate with Russia, but we are not allowed to. This is an unfair demand.” The EU says it has imposed “massive and unprecedented” sanctions on Russia, including travel bans on individuals, asset freezes on individuals and entities and economic measures that target Russia’s financial, trade, energy, transport, technology and defense areas. However, exemptions and loopholes mean that some trade continues, for example allowing EU member states that are especially dependent on Russian crude oil to continue receiving it by pipeline. Czechia has spent more than 7 billion euros on Russian oil and gas, over five times what it has provided in aid to Ukraine, according to a report released this week by the Center for the Study of Democracy, a European public policy institute. Additionally, many analysts have pointed to a surge in European exports to Central Asia and the Caucasus since 2022 as a probable indication that EU and British companies are using the regions as a conduit to send goods to Russia, including at least a portion that are subject to sanctions. The difficulty of tracking products made it hard to confirm any sanctions-dodging, though an analysis of trade data by the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development last year concluded that changes in regional trade patterns “may be used to circumvent economic sanctions but on a limited scale.” At the same time, there have been more reports of banks in Central Asian countries refusing to accept cross-border payments from Russian companies as the United States moved to impose secondary sanctions for doing business with Russian entities. Banks in China, Türkiye and the United Arab Emirates, all big trade partners with Russia, have taken similar action. Kyrgyzstan is not the only Central Asian country that has expressed frustration about Western sanctions. Last year, Kazakh President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev said his country would comply with sanctions against Russia while still cooperating with its neighbor. But Serik Zhumangarin, Kazakhstan’s deputy prime minister and trade minister, told the Bloomberg news agency in August that Kazakhstan won’t always “blindly follow the sanctions” and will look out for its own economic interests. Some Western policy makers understand that Central Asian countries won’t walk away from Russia and China as tensions with the West rise. Analysts at the German Institute for International and Security Affairs, which advises the German government and parliament, said “German and European efforts to win the support of regional states for Western sanctions against Russia must be measured against the realities on the ground.”
Turkic Investment Fund to Begin Financing Projects
Following the participation of its head, Temir Sariev, in a meeting of the Chambers of Commerce and Industry of the Turkic states in Istanbul on October 16, Kyrgyzstan’s Chamber of Commerce and Industry announced that from January 2025, the Turkic Investment Fund, with an authorized capital of $1 billion, will begin financing major joint projects of member countries of the Organization of Turkic States. The Organization of Turkic States, currently comprising Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Turkey, Uzbekistan, and Turkmenistan, with Hungary and the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus as observers, was founded in 2009 to foster comprehensive cooperation among Turkic-speaking nations. The Turkic Investment Fund, aimed to mobilize the economic potential of the Organization of Turkic States member states, strengthen trade and economic cooperation, and implement joint projects in infrastructure, renewable energy, agriculture, tourism, and IT, was established at the extraordinary summit of the Organization of Turkic States in March 2023 in Ankara. Founding members include Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Turkey, and Uzbekistan. Hungary joined in June 2024, and Turkmenistan has an observer status. After the inaugural meeting of the Fund's Board of Governors in Istanbul in May 2024, the Turkish Ministry of Finance declared that by the end of 2024, the Turkic states are poised to play to an important role in the world economy, reaching an economic volume of $1.9 trillion and a population of 178 million.
Kyrgyzstan Reports Growing Return Migration
Kyrgyzstan’s Ministry of Labor, Social Security and Migration and the International Organization for Migration (IOM) announced the results of their assessment of the country’s migration trends on October 15. The statistics show that return migration increased from 2020 to April 2024, and the number of migrants returning to Kyrgyzstan is continuing to grow. The number of returning migrants increased by 85% in 2023 compared to the previous year. Kyrgyzstan’s southern Osh and Batken regions and the northern Chui region lead the figures in the number of returning labor migrants. According to the report, the number of Kyrgyz citizens who plan to migrate once again to the country from which they have just returned has decreased by half. In June, the Speaker of the Kyrgyz Parliament, Nurlanbek Shakiyev said that more Kyrgyz people are returning from abroad, and over the past two years, the numbers have reached 241,000. Shakiyev cited the opening of many new industrial enterprises in Kyrgyzstan in recent years as a reason for growing return migration, emphasizing that Kyrgyz citizens can now earn more at home. Over the past 30 years, hundreds of thousands of Kyrgyz citizens have left their homeland as labor migrants, mainly for Russia. In the last couple of years, however, there has been a growing trend of return migration largely caused by Russia's deteriorating economic situation, depreciation of the ruble, stricter rules and harsher attitudes toward Central Asian immigrants, and increasing attempts by the Russian authorities to recruit Central Asian immigrants (with or without Russian passports) to join Russian troops fighting in Ukraine. According to a 2022 census by Kyrgyzstan’s National Statistics Committee, more than 876,000 Kyrgyz citizens (close to 15% of the country’s population) migrated abroad. The top five destination countries for Kyrgyz migrants were Russia (870,304), Kazakhstan (2,158), Turkey (1,828), Germany (336), and South Korea (240). The IOM report states that 328,458 Kyrgyz nationals have lived abroad since 2020. As of 2023, 79% live in Russia, 4.5% in Kazakhstan, and 4% in Turkey. According to the report, the primary drivers of migration were dissatisfaction with wages in Kyrgyzstan (26%), lack of job opportunities (17%), financial difficulties and debts (16%), and a perceived lack of prosperity in their homeland (10%). According to the National Bank of the Kyrgyz Republic, in 2023, remittances from Kyrgyz labor migrants totaled $2.144 billion, compared to $1.873 billion in 2022.
Uzbekistan to Fine Parents of Quadrobers
Parents in Uzbekistan have been threatened with fines for the inappropriate behavior of their children who belong to the quadrobika subculture. The Interior Ministry said failure to comply with parental duties will be punishable as parents are responsible for educating their children to respect social norms and preventing inappropriate behavior. The quadrobika subculture, which has emerged among young people, involves using masks and accessories to imitate animals and their habits. This movement has already been noticed in Kazakhstan, Russia, and Ukraine, and recently, cases of such behavior have been registered in Tashkent. On October 10, a teenager wearing an animal mask frightened people, and the next day, a quadrober imitating a dog attacked a person and frightened children. Specialists warn that such behavior can harm the mental health of minors, affect their social integration, and even lead to aggression. In this regard, the authorities are pressing home parents' legal obligations to ensure their children's upbringing and education under the Constitution and the Education Act of Uzbekistan. Violating these duties carries a fine of up to five times the basic calculation unit (up to 1.875 million UZS ($147). The Interior Ministry has urged parents to take care of their children's all-round development, reacting in time to the emergence of dangerous sub-cultural phenomena. If necessary, a psychological examination of children may be conducted to determine the impact of quadrobics on their emotional health. In Russia, the issue of administrative responsibility of parents who fail to oversee the upbringing of their children who are addicted to quadrobics has also been raised. The problem has not yet been resolved, a the request to the State Duma has been submitted calling for fines and criminal liability violations. In addition, Gennady Shkil, a priest of the Russian Orthodox Church, suggested in a sermon that mothers and fathers of quadrobers should be deprived of parental rights. Shkil believes that such “tough measures” are necessary as it is “for the salvation of mankind.”
Inside Kazakhstan’s Nuclear Power Play
Kazakhstan recently held a referendum in which approximately 71% of voters supported the initiative to construct the country's first nuclear power plant (NPP). This project is part of Kazakhstan's broader strategy to diversify its energy mix, reduce dependence on coal, and address chronic energy shortages that have affected the country for years. As the world's largest uranium producer, Kazakhstan has abundant natural resources that make nuclear power a viable and strategic option. The government views nuclear power as crucial for enhancing energy independence and security, while also contributing to environmental sustainability by reducing greenhouse gas emissions. The goal is for nuclear energy to contribute about 5% of the national generation mix by 2035, marking a significant shift towards cleaner energy sources. A strategic opportunity for Kazakhstan The NPP project is expected to be undertaken by an international consortium, the members of which are yet to be selected. Kazakhstan's balanced multi-vector foreign policy encourages the involvement of various potential partners, such as Russia's Rosatom, China's National Nuclear Corporation, South Korea's Hydro & Nuclear Power, and France's EDF. Kazakhstan's strategy for involving an international consortium aims to reduce potential geopolitical risks, particularly concerning Russia's Rosatom. Rosatom is a key player in the nuclear energy sector, but Western sanctions against Russian companies raise concerns about its involvement in Kazakhstan's project. By involving multiple international partners, Kazakhstan aims to prevent overreliance on any single country, such as Russia, and maintain a diversified approach to foreign relations. This approach allows Kazakhstan to leverage advanced technologies from multiple sources, foster innovation, improve efficiency, and reduce risks associated with the NPP's construction and operation. It also ensures that the best practices from leading global enterprises can be integrated into the project, enhancing overall safety and performance. Moreover, the involvement of international partners is likely to facilitate knowledge transfer, enabling Kazakhstan to build domestic expertise in nuclear energy. The estimated cost for the NPP is between $10 and $12 billion, with the expectation that contractors will secure financing. An international consortium could attract investment from multiple sources, including their own countries, thereby reducing Kazakhstan's financial burden for the project, inculcating resilience against uncertainties such as currency fluctuations, and distributing the risks among several stakeholders. As sanctions against Rosatom and broader economic concerns make sole reliance on Russian intolerably risky, attracting investment from multiple international stakeholders will also enable Kazakhstan to spread financial risks, thus enhancing the project's viability. A key strategic opportunity for Kazakhstan is to develop self-sufficiency in uranium enrichment. As the world's largest producer of uranium, Kazakhstan has the potential to enrich its own yellowcake, i.e., impure uranium obtained by processing uranium ore. Developing this capability would reduce Kazakhstan's dependence on Russia for enriched uranium imports and significantly enhance its energy independence. Japan serves as a relevant model for this, as it enriches uranium domestically under international safeguards for civilian nuclear use. Kazakhstan could pursue a similar approach under International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) supervision, ensuring compliance with its non-proliferation commitments under the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT). Kazatomprom, Kazakhstan's national nuclear company, is expected to play a significant role in overseeing the NPP's construction and operation. Although the project will involve international partners, Kazatomprom could supervise project administration, ensuring that national interests are maintained throughout the development process. This arrangement would provide Kazakhstan with a mechanism to retain control over key aspects of the NPP's development. This could happen even if Kazatomprom's stake is not a majority one. An example of this strategy is the reorganization in 2008–2009 of the consortia developing the offshore Kashagan gas deposit into the North Caspian Operating Company. In this instance, it was KazMunayGas that acquired the supervisory role, holding a minority stake slightly larger than the minority stakes of six international partners from six other countries. Strengthening international partnerships Kazakhstan has taken steps to strengthen its energy partnerships with other countries, such as France. President Tokayev's meeting with French President Macron in November 2023, for example, focused on uranium exports and energy cooperation. This cooperation with France, alongside other international players, helps reinforce Kazakhstan's energy security strategy and aligns with its broader multi-vector foreign policy. The participation of international partners such as EDF (France), National Nuclear Corporation (China), and Hydro & Nuclear Power (South Korea) enhances the likelihood of successful technology transfer and capacity building. These partnerships offer Kazakhstan the opportunity to develop domestic expertise in nuclear technology, which is essential for achieving greater self-reliance in its energy sector. Effective technology transfer will ensure that Kazakhstan can independently manage and operate the NPP in the longer term. Kazakhstan's cooperation with NATO's Partnership for Peace (PfP) program offers another avenue for developing expertise and infrastructure related to energy security. While Kazakhstan is not moving towards NATO integration, its cooperation under PfP provides access to technical expertise and support in managing energy infrastructure. By framing this partnership as energy-related and focused on civilian infrastructure, Kazakhstan can avoid provoking Russia while still benefiting from NATO's resources and experience. For example, Kazakhstan could benefit from the technical training and best practices provided by the NATO Energy Security Centre of Excellence, headquartered in Lithuania, which supports PfP members in their non-military energy security initiatives. In perspective, Kazakhstan's approach to the NPP project exemplifies its broader strategy of balancing national interests with international cooperation. Diversified partnerships, reduced reliance on individual countries, and initiatives to build domestic capabilities will help to ensure Kazakhstan's energy security and minimize geopolitical risks. This approach would demonstrate how multi-vector diplomacy combined with strategic risk management can achieve sustainable development. The experience of the NPP's construction and operation could easily serve as a model for managing high-stakes infrastructure projects in other economic sectors.
Silk Roads Curators Push Boundaries in London
The curators of the Silk Roads exhibition at the British Museum got out of their comfort zones to create the show, which traces the intricate ties and overlapping networks linking Asia, Europe and Africa centuries ago. The lead image of the exhibition is the silhouette of a camel caravan that evokes romanticized notions of Silk Road trade, but the curators wanted to go further, exploring the geographic sweep of the routes along which people, objects and ideas moved over many generations. The London show, which opened in late September and runs until Feb. 23, 2025, includes objects from nearly all the museum’s collection departments as well as items on loan from Uzbekistan, Tajikistan and other places. Silk Roads has received generally positive reviews and some raves. There are a few critics. William Dalrymple, a prominent historian whose most recent book is “The Golden Road: How Ancient India Transformed The World,” said the show didn’t give enough attention to India. Last week, the curators said in a presentation that the connectivity and expansiveness of the project could be a model for exhibitions on other topics even as it hewed to rigorous scientific research involving British Museum experts and international specialists from other institutions. The Silk Road exhibition “goes beyound the norm in its experimental approach to tell big stories in a museum setting,” curator Luk Yu-ping said, adding that it was the first major show at the British Museum led by a team of three curators from different departments and with different fields of knowledge. “Each of us has had to step beyond our comfort zones and stretch well beyond our areas of expertise,” said Luk, an expert in Chinese paintings and prints as well as Central Asia collections. The result, she said, is an exhibition that “shows the potential for reimagining permanent displays and further developing partnerships and future projects” involving the British Museum. Another curator, Sue Brunning, said the layout of the Silk Roads show tries to evoke a winding journey through distant lands. “The design of the exhibition is quite open with no walls and few barriers, and this is also to emphasize the connectivity between the different regions,” said Brunning, an archaeologist who specializes in early medieval European collections. Visitors can see for long distances down the gallery, and the different heights of the displays give an idea of the terrain, according to Brunning. There are also large images of the sea, mountains and other natural environments that give a sense of what people were traversing at the time, as well as an “ambient soundscape of environmental and travel sounds,” she said. The third curator is Elisabeth R. O'Connell, a specialist in ancient Egypt and the Byzantine period. She did not participate in the talk. While the Silk Roads network lasted for millennia, the British Museum is focusing on a relatively narrow slice of it - the period between AD 500 and AD 1,000, when contacts accelerated and flourished. Luk said museums in Uzbekistan and Tajikistan loaned objects for the exhibition that filled in “gaps in the museum’s collections and enabled us to bridge the eastern Silk Roads to West Asia. The curator visited Samarkand and Tashkent in Uzbekistan during preparation for Silk Roads three years ago. One of the highlights of the exhibition is a collection of elephant ivory chess pieces – possibly the oldest in the world - that was excavated from under the floor of an 8th century mosque in Samarkand, Uzbekistan. “Further discussions took place with museums in Kyrgyzstan and Kazakhstan,” Luk said. “And although in the end we could not borrow from them, they generously permitted us to include photographs of their objects in the exhibition book.”
Kyrgyz Government Adopts Strategic Task to Construct Eco-City
On October 14, Kyrgyzstan's President Sadyr Japarov signed a Decree to construct the eco-city "Asman" near the village of Toru-Aigyr on the northern shore of Lake Issyk-Kul, the country's main region for tourism and recreation. Spanning 4,000 hectares, some 200km southeast of the capital Bishkek and dubbed a "smart city", Asman aims to become the country’s new economic and tourist hub and home to modern business, recreational and sports facilities, hi-tech parks, and financial institutions. It will also provide homes for around 500,000 residents. From a bird's eye view, Asman (the Kyrgyz word for "sky") will resemble a komuz, a traditional Kyrgyz string musical instrument and one of Kyrgyzstan's national symbols. According to Kyrgyz officials, the new city financed by foreign investors, will be built over the next 7-10 years but although the capsule-laying ceremony took place in June 2023, construction has yet to begin. Speaking at the ceremony, President Japarov remarked that “the city of Asman will become a financial hub connecting East and West, North and South.” As reported by the presidential press service, the construction of the eco-city is a “strategic task” for the country’s Cabinet of Ministers and local authorities of the Issyk-Kul region, with a key objective to protect the biosphere territory adjacent to the lake. According to the decree, the Cabinet of Ministers should develop and approve a concept for the construction of Asman by March 1, 2025, ensuring the preservation and protection of the environment during the city’s construction. It has also been recommended that a ban be placed in the city on hydrocarbon-fueled (gasoline, diesel, gas) transport in preference for electric transport and bicycles. For this purpose, the decree orders the creation of electric transport infrastructure and charging stations, as well as necessary conditions for the use of bicycles to ensure mobility of the city's population. In addition, the decree orders the use of energy-saving solutions and smart home technologies in the construction of buildings, and compliance with the World Health Organization's environmental standards for greening cities and introducing an environmentally safe waste management system. The realization of such a mega project has inevitably raised questions regarding finance, with construction costs currently estimated at around $20 billion. The Asman project shares similarities to the city of Arkadag in Turkmenistan. Unveiled in June 2023, the “smart” city of Arkadag was built from scratch 30 km south of Turkmenistan’s capital, Ashgabat. Designed to accommodate a population of 70,000, it cost billions of dollars to construct.
Murder and Arson in Talgar: Kazakhs Fear Rising Tide of Organized Crime
On the night of October 4, 16-year-old Sherzat Bolat was killed in the town of Talgar, located in Almaty Oblast near the city of Almaty. The father of the victim blamed the incident on a gang - allegedly operating in Talgar and the surrounding area for many years - with connections to the government and law enforcement agencies. Later, unknown people burned down the family's house, and National Guard troops were brought into Talgar. The situation brings to mind the darkest pages of recent history, when criminal groups held cities and entire neighborhoods in a state of fear. The Talgar tragedy Sherzat Bolat was murdered in front of his father and mother after an incident occurred involving young people who entered the store the Bolat family rented. As stated by the boy's father, the customers refused to pay for a can of beer, and a fight broke out. According to other relatives, the group had knives and firearms. Sherzat's uncle was also injured during the fight and is recovering in hospital. Police initially claimed that all those involved in the incident had been detained, but the parents of the deceased later said that only seven had been arrested, while there were many more attackers. Fearing that the perpetrators would not be brought to justice, on October 7 Sherzat's relatives and concerned citizens of Talgar staged a rally at which Sherzat's father, Karzhaubai Nurymov, claimed that the so-called “Khutorskie” group was responsible for the boy's death. According to multiple reports, the Khutorskie have been terrorizing Talgar and its surroundings areas for many years. Businessman Hasan Kasymbayev allegedly runs the group, whilst sources also mention his brothers, including Yerzhan Kasymbayev, who was sentenced to 14 years for the murder of customs officer Medet Zhamashev, and Aslan Kasymbayev, head of the Talgar district Akim's (mayoral) office. In addition, the Kasymbayevs are said to be related to an official who once held high positions in law enforcement agencies. According to concerned residents of Talgar, the perpetrators of the boy's murder may be able to avoid justice due to their connections. In a statement, the acting head of the regional police department denied the involvement of any organized crime groups in the murder; the investigation has now been taken over by the Ministry of the Internal Affairs, which has dispatched a team to the scene of the crime. In an interview, Hasan Kasymbayev, who posted controversial photos on social networks, categorically denied his involvement in the murder of the teenager and any participation in an organized crime group. Despite assurances from officials, on October 12, the house of Sherzat's family in the village of Azat, Yenbekshikazakh district, Almaty region, was burned down. Police opened a criminal case and took the murdered teenager's family into protective custody. The house was empty at the time of the fire. The murder and arson have caused a sharp reaction in Talgar and led to a wider reverberations throughout Kazakhstan. Former Minister of Education and Mazhilis deputy, Askhat Aimagambetov, stated on social networks that “the whole country is shocked by the tragedy that happened in Talgar... This cruel, cynical, and unjust crime has shaken each of us. It is a challenge not only to law enforcement agencies, but also to our entire society. Police and prosecutors must ensure that no one escapes accountability. This crime should be a turning point for systemic reforms in law enforcement. This is a legal requirement, and a duty to society.” On October 13, residents of Talgar reported seeing military equipment and soldiers in the streets. The Ministry of Internal Affairs confirmed that National Guard units had been brought into the town to maintain order. The investigation continues, whilst near the Sherzat family's store where the murder took place, residents of Talgar have erected a memorial. A challenge to the authorities Addressing the crimes, children's rights ombudsman of the Almaty Oblast, Aigul Yesimbekova, asked, “What else needs to happen for law enforcement agencies to take timely action? Yesterday I met with Sherzat's mother; I saw her frozen eyes, which reflect all the pain in her soul, the frozen cry for help, her powerlessness, hopelessness," Yesimbekova continued. "Her soul and body are wounded; her hands are bruised she was held with such force while her son was killed in front of her eyes... Today, the house burned down. It is good that no one was hurt, but now there is a fear for the safety of this family." Yesimbekova also recalled frequent cases of the extortion of schoolchildren by criminals in the Almaty Oblast, cases in which the perpetrators were rarely brought to justice or were swiftly released despite hard evidence. According to political scientist Gaziz Abishev, “In Talgar, the house of the family of Sherzat Bolat, who was killed for a can of beer, burned down. The father of the deceased had previously said that he was threatened. It looks like someone is challenging the Kazakh state, saying, 'we know that you, the state, are worthless, do not command respect, are incapable of maintaining law and order, and are falling apart piece by piece.' Today, the house of the murder victims was burned down. Tomorrow, will there be showdowns with judges, commissioners, and other officials, like in films about the Italian mafia. In the coming weeks, we will see how right the murderers and arsonists are in their assessments of the efficiency of the Kazakh state security apparatus." Fear of bandit terror The killing of Sherzat Bolat and the subsequent arson attack have evoked memories of the 1990s in Kazakhstan, the years when, following the collapse of the USSR, many cities and regions fell under the control of criminal gangs. In Almaty and its suburbs, racketeering, murders, and shootings became commonplace. By the beginning of the 2000s, however, the authorities had managed to curb crime, and many well-known gangsters either died in criminal disputes or were convicted. Similar processes took place in almost all of the CIS countries. With fear of a return to criminality rife, a high-profile case which residents on the streets of Talgar are comparing their predicament to is the case of the Tsapk gang, who terrorized the village of Kuschevskaya in the Krasnodar region of Russia for decades. Murders, racketeering, robberies, and hundreds of rapes went unpunished because the police acted as a krysha (cover, or literally "roof") for the gang, who in 2010 brutally murdered twelve people, including several children, in the home of a farmer who refused to pay tribute to them. The perpetrators were subsequently sentenced to long prison terms. Writing about the tragedy in Talgar, Chinese political scientist and scholar Adil Kaukenov recalled “The City of Darkness” in Kowloon, in Hong Kong, China. “Talgar has become the most discussed city this week in Kazakhstan because in it, as it turned out, organized crime rules with impunity, can kill children in front of their parents, burn the houses of victims preparing for funerals, and all residents live in fear of becoming a victim of criminal activity," Kaukenov stated. "So I will tell you how in the history of China, there was also a city completely controlled by gangster groups which became known as 'The City of Darkness.' Cut off by the sea from the big land of China, but not falling under the rule of England, Kowloon found itself in a power vacuum, which bandits gradually filled. In addition, the 'gray zone' began attracting those unable to establish themselves and escape debts or legal troubles. The city grew chaotic, resulting in a ghetto, with buildings so close together that it became one huge house and courtyards that never saw sunlight. Inside the narrow passages of this monstrous house-city, banditry, human trafficking, prostitution, drug trafficking and the law of the strong flourished, where the leaders of the triads took leadership." Only in the 1990s did the authorities manage to disarm the gangs, forcibly resettle the neighborhood, and demolish the City of Darkness. Fresh on the trail On October 15, at a briefing in Konayev, the administrative center of Almaty Oblast, the deputy head of the Investigation Department, Police Colonel Samat Aisovs showed footage of the fight outside the store, which then appeared online as this story was being prepared for publication. The video purportedly shows the deceased throwing the first punch, whilst his father appears to go outside brandishing a knife. A representative of the Ministry of Internal Affairs stated that the conflict did not occur “over a can of beer,” but later when Sherzat and a customer went outside. It has also come to light that the Akim (mayor) of Talgar, Bakhyt Kurishbekov, and Deputy Akim, Sagyndyk Matan, have been relieved of their posts due to the "improper performance of their duties.” First Deputy Minister of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, Bauyrzhan Alenov confirmed that a criminal case has been opened as to how the video ended up on social media. “All the people you saw in the video are under investigation,” Alenov stated.
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Kazakhstan’s Return to Nuclear Power
