• KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00216 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10683 0%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28490 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00216 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10683 0%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28490 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00216 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10683 0%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28490 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00216 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10683 0%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28490 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00216 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10683 0%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28490 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00216 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10683 0%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28490 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00216 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10683 0%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28490 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00216 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10683 0%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28490 0%

Viewing results 1 - 6 of 1341

Healthcare Workers in Turkmenistan Reportedly Forced to Pay Mandatory Fees to Public Association

Turkmenistan does not allow independent public associations, and officially registered groups are reportedly funded through mandatory contributions collected from citizens, according to Chronicles of Turkmenistan. The publication says healthcare workers and students at medical institutions were required to pay annual membership fees to support the public association Ýaş Tebigatçy (Young Naturalist) Civil Society Organization. According to the report, the organization’s chairperson, Leyli Shymadova, appealed earlier this year to then-health minister Myrat Mammedov for assistance. Mammedov retired in February 2026. “Shymadova asked the minister to issue instructions requiring all employees of the ministry’s institutions and students of medical educational establishments to pay $5.72 as an annual contribution. The minister ordered that her request be fulfilled, as reflected in a document dated January 12,” the publication reported. The report also states that similar letters were sent to the Ministries of Education and Environmental Protection, and that employees of institutions under those ministries were likewise required to pay the requested amounts. “Public associations are non-profit organizations and should be financed through voluntary donations from individuals or organizations. But in Turkmenistan this is done coercively,” the publication’s authors wrote. The Ýaş Tebigatçy association was officially registered in September 2022.

Tokayev Sets Two-Year Deadline for Military Reform in Kazakhstan

Speaking at a traditional ceremony ahead of Defender of the Fatherland Day, celebrated in Kazakhstan on May 7, President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev said the country must reform its armed forces within the next two years. “Our country must be prepared to prevent various challenges and respond to any threats. Therefore, we need to strengthen our defense potential and continue, above all, the technological modernization of the Armed Forces. This is a requirement of today’s unstable and turbulent times. In this regard, it is first necessary to carry out deep reforms in our Armed Forces and militarized structures. This is a strategically important task that must be resolved in a short period within two years,” Tokayev said during a ceremony awarding state honors and military ranks ahead of Defender of the Fatherland Day and Victory Day, celebrated on May 9. Russian analysts responded to the statement before many Kazakh commentators, largely arguing that Kazakhstan faces no major external threats and therefore has little need for sweeping military reform. One of them, Stanislav Pritchin, head of the Central Asia sector at the Primakov Institute of World Economy and International Relations in Moscow, said Kazakhstan had no serious territorial disputes or significant tensions with neighboring countries. “There are some political disagreements, but overall, the country exists in a fairly calm environment. There are simply no conflict points that would require Kazakhstan to fundamentally revise its military doctrine or significantly strengthen its army,” he told the publication, Expert. Pritchin also suggested that Russian concern stemmed from uncertainty over how Tokayev’s accelerated military reform agenda fits with Kazakhstan’s commitments to Moscow-led organizations such as the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO) and the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU). In Kazakhstan, however, the reform agenda fits a familiar pattern: by the time Tokayev publicly announces a deadline, work in that direction is often already well underway. In December 2025, Prime Minister Olzhas Bektenov outlined major military reforms while responding to parliamentary questions about discipline in the armed forces. Following presidential instructions, the government submitted three draft laws to parliament intended to form the foundation of the reform process. The legislation addresses crime prevention and revises administrative regulations within the military system. One of the main goals is to clearly divide responsibilities among commanders, military police, and other authorized bodies while introducing technology-based disciplinary oversight mechanisms. At the same time, the Health Ministry has developed a 2026-2028 roadmap for suicide prevention in Kazakhstan, with separate provisions focused on military personnel. As part of the broader reform effort, the authorities have also approved the interagency “Digital Prevention” program for 2025-2028. The initiative includes integrating video surveillance systems, artificial intelligence, and a unified database to monitor discipline and public order within the military. In parallel, the “Law and Order in the Army” program aims to strengthen military discipline and prevent offenses among service members. Tokayev also addressed military reform in an interview with the newspaper Turkistan earlier this year. The interviewer noted that repeated deaths among soldiers during military service were damaging...

Turkmenistan Introduces New Fines for Parents Over Children’s Misconduct

Turkmenistan has introduced new rules that tighten parental responsibility for children’s misconduct, while reports suggest that additional unofficial requirements are already emerging at the local level. The amendments to the administrative code, signed by President Serdar Berdimuhamedov, came into force on May 1. The updated legislation increases penalties for what is defined as “improper upbringing” and expands the range of situations in which parents of children under 16 can be held liable. In several cases, warnings have been eliminated entirely. Under the new rules, offenses such as drug use without a prescription or minor hooliganism now result in immediate fines of around $29. Penalties for traffic violations have risen from $11.6 to $14.5. The manufacture or possession of pyrotechnics can lead to fines ranging from $58 to $145, while smoking carries penalties of $29 to $58. Other sanctions have also been increased, including those related to alcohol and tobacco sales and various administrative violations. However, the implementation of the law appears to vary across regions. According to local sources, some authorities are interpreting the rules more broadly and introducing additional measures. In schools in the Lebap region, for example, there are reports of proposed fines for families if students arrive late to class ($29), possess smartphones or headphones ($290), or skip lessons. These measures have not been officially confirmed, and teachers in other regions say they have not received similar instructions. Some observers suggest the reports may be exaggerated or intended as a deterrent to improve discipline. Nevertheless, educators warn of potential corruption risks. Recorded violations could become grounds for informal payments, with smaller sums demanded instead of official fines, bypassing the state budget.

School Digitalization in Turkmenistan Increases Workload for Teachers

The rollout of electronic gradebooks in Turkmenistan, intended to streamline teachers’ work, has had the opposite effect, with educators reporting increased workloads, technical issues, and tighter oversight. As part of a broader push toward digitalization, authorities have required school staff to use the eMekdep system to record grades, manage lesson plans, and generate analytics. According to its developers, the platform enables work “anytime, anywhere” and is designed to reduce paperwork. Teachers, however, say the reality is far less efficient. Electronic journals can only be filled out with a stable internet connection, which remains unreliable even in the capital. “If two people log into our school’s network at the same time, it crashes,” a teacher in Ashgabat said. As a result, many educators are forced to rely on mobile data or home internet at their own expense, an added burden given their relatively low salaries, which range from $175 to $275 per month. Teachers also report contributing financially to school needs, including repairs and equipment, and, in some regions, even covering costs related to hiring cotton pickers. The main challenge, however, is not financial but administrative. Paper gradebooks have not been phased out, leaving teachers to maintain three parallel records: an official paper journal, a working notebook, and the electronic system. This duplication significantly increases the risk of errors. To save data, many teachers first record grades by hand and later transfer them into the system at home, a process that often leads to delays and inaccuracies. Given that the majority of teachers are women, many must also balance these demands with family responsibilities. At the same time, oversight has intensified. Moderators at both school and district levels monitor how teachers fill out gradebooks. Discrepancies between paper and electronic records require written explanations. Deadlines for entering data have also been tightened from up to 10 days previously to just two days, with the possibility of further reduction to 12 hours. Schools may be reprimanded if teachers fail to meet these deadlines. Technical problems remain a major issue. Users report software bugs that can cause pages to take up to 30 seconds to load. “In that time, it’s faster to mark grades for an entire class with a pen,” one teacher noted. Earlier reports have highlighted broader restrictions on access to certain services and efforts to control alternative communication channels, including the confiscation of Starlink satellite internet equipment. In such conditions, digital solutions remain heavily dependent on infrastructure that often struggles to handle the load.

Tashiyev Charged as Kyrgyzstan’s Elite Rift Deepens

Former head of Kyrgyzstan’s State Committee for National Security (GKNB), Kamchybek Tashiyev, has been charged under two articles of the criminal code, his lawyer said, amid signs of escalating political tension in the country. According to defense attorney Ikramidin Aitkulov, Tashiyev faces charges under Article 326, concerning forcible seizure or retention of power and actions aimed at forcibly changing the constitutional order, and Article 337, concerning abuse of office. The latter charge relates to alleged actions carried out for personal gain or for the benefit of others, and to conduct by a senior public official. A restraint measure has been imposed on Tashiyev in the form of a written undertaking not to leave his place of residence. After questioning at the Interior Ministry, he left the building late on April 29. His lawyer said the former official denies all charges. Tashiyev said he intends to defend himself through legal means. “I am innocent and, God willing, I will be acquitted,” he said in a statement. He also urged his supporters to remain calm and act within the law. Media reports suggest that former Prosecutor General Kurmankul Zulushev and former parliamentary speaker Nurlanbek Turgunbek uulu may also be linked to the same case, though their legal status remains unclear. The Interior Ministry has not publicly confirmed or denied reports that they were questioned. President Sadyr Japarov has previously said that any potential involvement by Tashiyev in the so-called “Letter of 75” should be determined by investigators and the courts. The letter, made public in February, urged Japarov and parliament to initiate an early presidential election, citing ambiguity over whether his current term should be treated under the six-year term in force at the time of his 2021 election or the five-year term introduced by the constitution adopted later that year. Tashiyev’s fall has been one of Kyrgyzstan’s most significant political ruptures since Japarov came to power after the 2020 upheaval. The two men had long been seen as the central tandem in Kyrgyz politics, with Japarov controlling the presidency and Tashiyev heading the security apparatus. That arrangement ended on February 10, when Japarov dismissed Tashiyev as GKNB chairman and deputy chairman of the Cabinet of Ministers. The official explanation was that the decision had been taken “in the interests of the state” and to prevent a split in society. The move was followed by a wider reshuffle inside the security services and parliament, where figures seen as close to Tashiyev came under pressure. The Times of Central Asia previously reported that Japarov’s decision appeared to have broken the Japarov-Tashiyev tandem that had shaped the country’s power structure since 2020. The political pressure on Tashiyev’s network intensified in March and April. Tashiyev returned to Kyrgyzstan in March after more than a month abroad and was questioned by the Interior Ministry in connection with Kyrgyzneftegaz, the state oil company. TCA previously reported that the State Tax Service had revived allegations involving the company and private entities linked to Tashiyev’s relatives or associates, while...

Japarov, Tashiyev, and the Kompromat War

Kyrgyzstan has seen three revolutions since 2005. It has been a politically active country since becoming independent in late 1991, when the Soviet Union collapsed. But since the current President Sadyr Japarov came to power after the 2020 revolution, he and his long-time friend and security chief, Kamchybek Tashiyev, have stifled expressions of public discontent. For the last five years, Kyrgyzstan’s political scene has been uncharacteristically quiet. But events since Japarov sacked Tashiyev on February 10 have raised speculation that a fierce political battle between the two powerful men now looms ahead for the country. Japarov has already fired the first shots. Accusations of corruption against Tashiyev and his family have led to arrests. But two can play at that game, and the former security likely has compromising information about Japarov and his family. “You Can't Cook Two Sheep's Heads in One Cauldron” The February 10 announcement of Tashiyev’s firing was arguably Kyrgyzstan’s biggest political shock since the October 2020 revolution that saw Japarov go from a prison cell to simultaneously occupying the posts of prime minister and president within ten days. The two had been friends for decades, they started their political careers about the same time, and both quickly rose through the ranks of government during the presidency of Kurmanbek Bakiyev, who was ousted in the 2010 revolution. The day after he was confirmed as president, Japarov appointed Tashiyev to be head of the State Committee for National Security (GKNB). The day before Tashiyev was sacked, a group of 75 prominent figures, who included former government officials, released an open letter to President Japarov and the speaker of parliament calling for an early presidential election. The group pointed to the discrepancy over whether Japarov was serving the six-year presidential term mandated in the 2010 constitution or the five-year term stipulated in the constitution adopted in April 2021, three months after the snap presidential election that Japarov won. It quickly became apparent that Tashiyev’s dismissal and the letter were connected. The same day Tashiyev was fired, so were several top GKNB officials, with the sacking of officials said to be close to Tashiyev continuing for days. Japarov’s spokesman said it was necessary to “prevent a split in society.” However, Japarov has avoided any detailed explanation of the reasons for the many changes and repeatedly described Tashiyev as a friend. Member of Parliament Elvira Surabaldiyeva, in an April 24 interview with a Kazakh journalist, said Tashiyev was dismissed because he was planning a coup and had been preparing it for a long time. “The president is going through a very difficult time right now, because his longtime friend tried to remove him from office,” Surabaldiyeva said, and added, “There's a saying: ‘You can't cook two sheep's heads in one cauldron.’ This seems to be exactly the case.” Kompromat Tashiyev was out of Kyrgyzstan when the news broke that he had been fired. He briefly returned on February 13, leaving again on February 17. He returned on March 19 and the...