Uzbekistan Features - The Times Of Central Asia

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State Visit

Uzbekistan, Pakistan Set $2 Billion Trade Target Following High-Level Talks in Islamabad

Uzbek President Shavkat Mirziyoyev arrived in Islamabad on a state visit on February 5, marking a new chapter in Uzbekistan-Pakistan relations. According to official sources, the Uzbek leader’s aircraft was escorted by Pakistan Air Force fighter jets upon entering the country’s airspace. At Nur Khan Airbase, Mirziyoyev was received by President Asif Ali Zardari, Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif, and senior Pakistani officials. Shortly after his arrival, Mirziyoyev visited the headquarters of Global Industrial & Defence Solutions, where he met with Pakistan’s Chief of Army Staff, Field Marshal Asim Munir. The two sides discussed strengthening the strategic partnership, with an emphasis on military and military-technical cooperation. Areas of focus included deepening collaboration between defense industry enterprises, expanding training for military personnel, sharing operational experience, and organizing joint exercises. Both countries agreed to draft a roadmap for future defense cooperation. Later that day, Mirziyoyev held one-on-one talks with Prime Minister Sharif and chaired the inaugural meeting of the High-Level Strategic Cooperation Council. At the meeting’s outset, the Uzbek president extended greetings in advance of the holy month of Ramadan and Pakistan Day. Discussions centered on implementing existing agreements and expanding cooperation across political, economic, and humanitarian spheres. Trade and economic cooperation featured prominently. Bilateral trade reached nearly $500 million by the end of last year, and approximately 230 Pakistani-capital companies are currently operating in Uzbekistan. Air connectivity and banking ties between the two countries are also expanding. Ongoing joint ventures span textiles, pharmaceuticals, chemicals, agriculture, and other sectors. An exhibition of Uzbek industrial products is being held in Islamabad as part of the visit. The two leaders agreed to set a goal of raising bilateral trade turnover to $2 billion in the near future. Key measures include expanding the list of goods under the Preferential Trade Agreement, easing phytosanitary requirements for Uzbek agricultural exports, and increasing the use of Uzbekistan’s trade houses in Lahore and Karachi. A joint project portfolio valued at nearly $3.5 billion has already been developed. Transport and logistics were another central topic. Both sides emphasized the strategic importance of advancing the Trans-Afghan railway and supporting the Pakistan-China-Kyrgyzstan-Uzbekistan transport corridor. They also agreed to establish an Uzbek-Pakistani Forum of Regions, with the inaugural meeting scheduled to take place this year in Uzbekistan’s Khorezm region. Cultural cooperation was also addressed. Plans include hosting Uzbekistan Culture Weeks and Uzbek Cinema Days in Pakistan and exploring the creation of a joint cultural center in Lahore dedicated to the Baburid heritage. The visit concluded with the signing of a Joint Declaration and a series of agreements spanning diplomacy, trade, defense, transport, agriculture, digital technologies, culture, security, and regional cooperation. Mirziyoyev also extended an invitation to Prime Minister Sharif for a return visit to Uzbekistan.

U.S.-Central Asia Engagement

Breaking into Project Vault: A U.S. Role for Central Asia’s Strategic Minerals

The Trump Administration has decided to go head-to-head with Beijing to secure an independent supply chain for critical minerals and insulate U.S. industries from supply shocks. Among many initiatives, the United States launched Project Vault on February 2 to establish a U.S. Strategic Critical Minerals Reserve. The public-private stockpile is expected to secure essential minerals and metals for U.S. national security purposes and high-technology industries. The effort formalizes the U.S. strategy to diversify critical mineral supply chains away from rival China and, in the process, harness broader global capacity. As part of this effort, mineral-rich Central Asia is already factoring heavily in U.S. foreign and economic policy thinking. Participating in the front row of the 2026 Critical Minerals Summit, Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan were invited to engage in Washington’s global effort to build resilient global supply chains. But Project Vault is a critical and separate component of the administration’s focus. Formally approved by the Export-Import Bank of the United States (EXIM) on February 2, Project Vault will be backed with up to $10 billion in long-term financing and an additional $2 billion in private sector participation. In sites across the country, the initiative will establish stores of critical minerals and rare earth elements essential for aerospace, defense, semiconductors, advanced manufacturing, renewables, and electric vehicles. The stockpile’s structure will be operated as a public-private partnership that enables manufacturers, trading firms, and private capital providers to jointly participate. Rare earths, copper, lithium, titanium, scandium, gallium, and germanium are all key minerals highlighted by the U.S. Department of the Interior that underpin modern technologies and demonstrate U.S. vulnerability to supply chain disruptions. Why a Strategic Mineral Reserve? The initiative is a direct response to perceived risks posed by China’s relative control of global critical mineral supply chains and markets, as well as Beijing’s use of trade restrictions, protectionism, and the weaponization of access to certain critical minerals. China controls a commanding share of the mining, refining, and processing of rare earths and related materials. Due to years of strategic planning and investment, Beijing has leveraged state subsidies and pricing controls to develop and secure between 80%-100% of rare earth processing capacities that have dominated international markets and disincentivized competitors for decades. Past export controls and export-license restrictions imposed by Beijing have underscored how critical mineral supply can become a tool of geopolitical leverage. China has at times restricted rare earth exports to Japan, Sweden and the United States in what is defined by many as supply-chain protectionism. Such actions can disrupt U.S. production for industries that rely on stable supplies to manufacture semiconductors, defense systems, and clean energy technologies. Project Vault is, therefore, conceived not merely as a reserve but as a mechanism to stabilize U.S. markets, to reduce reliance on China, and to signal a long-term commitment to diversified supply chains. Much like the U.S. Strategic Petroleum Reserve acts to cushion energy price shocks, the mineral reserve is expected to serve as a similar buffer. Operational and Financial Dimensions Project Vault’s financing model expects a...

Winter Olympic Games

Facing Restrictions, Russian Skater Joins Uzbekistan´s Winter Olympics Team

Short track speed skater Daniil Eybog competed for Russia at the 2022 Winter Olympics in Beijing, just before Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine. This year, Eybog will represent Uzbekistan at the games in Italy, switching countries because of international restrictions that were placed on Russian athletes because of the war. Eybog will race the 500-meter distance for the Central Asian country at the games in Milan and other locations in northern Italy. Medet Nazarov, an alpine skier from Chimgan in Uzbekistan, will compete in the slalom and giant slalom events. Uzbekistan planned to send pair figure skaters, Dmitry Chigirev and Ekaterina Geynish, to Italy as well, but Chigirev suffered an injury that forced their withdrawal. “Good night or good morning, whichever you prefer. I'm off to the Olympic Games!” 28-year-old Eybog said this week on social media. “The route is a bit crazy. I'm flying via Tashkent. First stop. Then to Istanbul and from there to Milan. Let's go.” Eybog came seventh in the 500 meters while competing for Uzbekistan at the Asian Winter Games in Harbin, China, last year. Before switching his sporting nationality, he was part of the winning team in the 5,000-meter relay at the 2020 European Championships in Hungary. The executive board of the International Olympic Committee can approve a change in the country that an athlete represents, under certain conditions, and has done so for a number of competitors in this year’s winter games. In an interview last year with Russian outlet Tverisport.ru, Eybog described his experience at the Beijing Olympics as “chaotic,” saying he had been an alternate and then made the Russian team virtually at the last minute. “Since then, given my experience, I've developed a strong desire to compete in the Olympics again and this time try to fight for a medal,” Eybog said. “But, as you know, due to the political situation, the eligibility of Russian speed skaters and short track speed skaters for the 2026 Games in Italy is in question. Without serious motivation, maintaining high-level athletic fitness is quite difficult. Currently, the only way to qualify for international competitions, including the Olympic Games, is to compete for another country.” He said there were several countries that might have accepted him into their teams, but “the historical and geographical proximity of the countries played a role, including the familiarity of the Uzbek people with the Russian language." Eybog said short track speed skating is just starting to develop in Uzbekistan, whose Olympic committee has funded his training in Russia. Another Russian skater, Denis Ayrapetyan, also transferred to Uzbekistan at the same time, though he is not competing at the Winter Olympics. Some Russians, as well as competitors from Belarus, a close ally of Russia, are participating in the games under the designation of Individual Neutral Athletes. They must meet requirements to take part, including, for example, not actively supporting the war in Ukraine. The flags of Russia and Belarus won’t be displayed at the games, and their anthems won’t be...

B5+1

What the U.S. Really Wants in Central Asia: Behind the B5+1 Forums

The B5+1 business forum continued in Kyrgyzstan’s capital on February 5, as government officials, regional business leaders, and a sizable U.S. delegation met to discuss trade, investment, and regulatory barriers shaping economic ties between Central Asia and the United States. As Washington signals a more pragmatic, commercially driven approach to the region, questions persist over why U.S. investment has lagged behind political engagement and which markets are truly seen as priorities. The Times of Central Asia spoke with Dmitry Orlov, director of the Strategy: East–West analytical center, about the structural obstacles deterring American capital, the shift in U.S. policy thinking, and how Central Asian states are positioned within Washington’s evolving economic calculus. TCA: What serious U.S. capital investments in Central Asia can we talk about today? ORLOV: It is important to understand the main point. Talk of large investments, the arrival of American business, and long-term economic cooperation only makes sense in one case: if the U.S. repeals the Jackson-Vanik amendment, which was adopted back in the 1970s and extended to all former Soviet republics after the collapse of the USSR. Today, it remains a formal and, in many ways, psychological obstacle to a fully-fledged business partnership. At the same time, it is necessary to establish contacts at a business level right now. This is because if the amendment is repealed - and such statements are regularly heard in Washington - it is difficult to predict which countries in the region will receive investment flows and in what volumes. Recent international forums, including Davos, have shown that Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan are of the greatest interest to the U.S. in Central Asia. Their economies are developing more dynamically, and they can offer large-scale projects and a clear export base. The other countries in the region, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, and Turkmenistan, are still perceived by investors as lower priorities. TCA: Previously, the U.S. actively promoted a political agenda in the region, including human rights and freedom of speech. Now these are rarely mentioned. Why do you think this is the case? ORLOV: The approach has become more pragmatic. The history of U.S. foreign policy shows that strategic and economic interests have always taken precedence. If a territory is attractive in terms of resources or transit routes, a format for cooperation will be found. In Europe, relatively speaking, the rule of law prevails. In Asia, the situation is different, and the Americans understand this perfectly well. Issues of ideology and human rights can move to the background if economic expediency comes first. This is especially true in Central Asia, where many issues are resolved through personal agreements and informal connections. Washington understands this. TCA: What exactly can Central Asia offer the U.S.? ORLOV: In terms of individual countries, Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan are again in the lead. They offer oil, gas, and, no less importantly, control over transit routes. There is currently a lot of discussion about rare earths and critical minerals, but their development is always long and expensive. As a result, interest in...

B5+1

B5+1 Forum Opens as U.S. Companies Expand Economic Footprint in Central Asia

Business leaders and government officials from Central Asia and the United States gathered in Kyrgyzstan’s capital on February 4 for the start of the second B5+1 Business Forum. Co-organized by the Kyrgyz government and the Center for International Private Enterprise (CIPE), the event is intended to bring together private companies, business associations, officials, and experts interested in expanding U.S.–Central Asia commercial ties. More than 50 U.S. companies are participating in the event. The B5+1 is the business-track counterpart to the C5+1 diplomatic format that links the United States with Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan. The B5+1 brings companies and policymakers together to identify barriers to investment and propose cross-border regulatory changes. This week’s meeting in Bishkek follows the inaugural B5+1 forum held in Almaty on March 14–15, 2024, which drew more than 250 stakeholders from across Central Asia and the United States. It produced 21 private-sector recommendations aimed at easing trade, improving regulations, and building regional economic integration. The Bishkek agenda is built around reviewing progress on those recommendations and setting priorities for the next phase of work. Central Asian officials have used the event to signal interest in region-wide coordination rather than country-by-country deals. In comments made in Bishkek, Kazakhstan’s Minister of Industry and Construction, Ersaiyn Nagaspaev, emphasized that foreign investors increasingly assess Central Asia as a single market, reflecting a push to align regulations and investment conditions across borders. Nagaspaev noted that more than 600 U.S. companies currently operate in Kazakhstan. Kyrgyzstan, meanwhile, used the forum to highlight domestic economic performance within that regional context. In a speech at the forum, Kyrgyzstan’s First Deputy Chairman of the Cabinet of Ministers, Daniyar Amangeldiev, said Kyrgyzstan’s economy grew by 11.1% in 2025, which he described as one of the highest growth rates in the region. Addressing the forum, U.S. Special Envoy for South and Central Asia Sergio Gor stated that the United States intends to expand its economic engagement with Central Asia. “The private sector, not intergovernmental agreements, will become the key instrument of interaction," he told those in attendance, identifying electronic commerce, artificial intelligence, critical minerals, agriculture, and transport infrastructure as priority areas. Gor noted that the American companies present at the forum represent the largest and most comprehensive U.S. commercial delegation ever to visit Central Asia. The U.S. recognizes the importance of Central Asia in global trade and connectivity, he stated. "The United States is open for business. We're open for peace. We're opening to strengthen our ties around the world. So that’s why it's fitting that the first C5 event in 2026 is this B5 + 1 forum,” Gor said, linking the Bishkek discussions to economic commitments made at the C5+1 summit in Washington in November 2025. “The Transport Corridor for Peace and Prosperity will provide reliable connectivity from Central Asia through the South Caucasus to global markets,” Gor said. “This is a historic opportunity to strengthen economic integration and long-term prosperity across the region.” During his visit to Bishkek, Gor also met with Kyrgyz President...

Central Asian Politics

The “Central Asia 2030” Roundtable in Astana: From External Interest to Regional Choice

Discussions about Central Asia’s long-term strategic future are increasingly shifting from a focus on external attention to one of growing regional agency. On Monday, Astana International University hosted the first roundtable in the series Central Asia 2030: Strategic Horizons and Regional Choices. Speakers included Andrew D’Anieri, Deputy Director of the Atlantic Council’s Eurasia Center; Yerkin Tukumov, Special Representative of the President of Kazakhstan; Ambassador-at-Large Zulfiya Suleimenova; and Dauren Aben, Deputy Director of the Kazakhstan Institute for Strategic Studies under the President of Kazakhstan. Pragmatism, Regional Choice, and the Logic of the “Grand Bargain” In his remarks, Andrew D’Anieri emphasized that Central Asia is increasingly viewed in the U.S. not as a peripheral zone but as an independent strategic partner. He noted that “environmental, water, and climate issues considered within a regional framework are fully supported by the U.S.” However, he added that “long-term commercial and investment projects are impossible without long-term stability, which in turn requires coordination between neighbors, engagement on sensitive issues, and pragmatic regional cooperation.” D’Anieri also pointed to Afghanistan as “an integral part of regional logic,” and described formats such as C5+1 as evidence of Central Asia’s growing subjectivity. He highlighted the first-ever C5+1 summit at the presidential level in Washington as a landmark event, especially under the administration of Donald Trump, known for its preference for bilateral over multilateral formats. Trump and the Possibility of a Visit: Only with a “Big Deal” When asked whether a visit by President Trump to Central Asia is realistic, D’Anieri offered a candid assessment: “Such a visit is only possible if there is a large, symbolically and economically significant deal.” Whether in aviation, technology, or infrastructure, these high-visibility projects are typically what draw Trump’s engagement. He added that “the region has work to do in developing a package of initiatives that could interest the U.S. president and justify a high-level visit.” Potential areas include mining, transport, and logistics. Reframing Afghanistan’s Role in the Region Special Representative Yerkin Tukumov focused on the importance of reframing the region’s relationship with Afghanistan. For too long, he said, Afghanistan has been viewed primarily “through the prism of security threats,” resulting in a narrow and often misleading approach. Tukumov argued for a broader, more pragmatic view that considers economic, humanitarian, and cross-border dimensions. He described the C5+1 format not as a replacement for bilateral diplomacy, but as “an additional level of coordination where Central Asia can speak with a more consolidated voice without losing national autonomy in foreign policy.” He stressed the need to move beyond “ideological and declarative approaches,” toward practical, interest-based mechanisms of cooperation. Ecology, Water, and the Case for a Global Water Agency Ambassador-at-Large Zulfiya Suleimenova addressed the strategic urgency of regional coordination on water and climate. She emphasized that “water issues are transboundary in nature,” and that efforts to resolve them solely within national frameworks are bound to fall short. “Regional coordination in Central Asia is not a political slogan, but a functional necessity,” she said. Suleimenova argued that jointly promoting...