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27 Jan 2026

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Spotlight on Central Asia: New Episode Available Now with Eduards Stiprais, EU Special Representative for Central Asia

January 28, 2026
By Stephen M. Bland

As Managing Editor of The Times of Central Asia, I’m delighted that, in partnership with the Oxus Society for Central Asian Affairs, from October 19, we are the home of the Spotlight on Central Asia podcast. Chaired by seasoned broadcasters Bruce Pannier of RFE/RL’s long-running Majlis podcast and Michael Hillard of The Red Line, each fortnightly instalment will take you on a deep dive into the latest news, developments, security issues, and social trends across an increasingly pivotal region.

This week, the team is joined by the EU Special Representative for Central Asia, Eduards Stiprais, to discuss connectivity, critical minerals, and what’s unique about the EU’s engagement with Central Asia.

27 Jan 2026

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Chinese Investor Plans 500 MW Solar and Wind Power Plants in Tajikistan

January 27, 2026
By Vagit Ismailov

Chinese company Dayu New Energy Limited plans to develop solar and wind power plants in the Kubodiyon and Jaihun districts of Tajikistan’s Khatlon region. With a combined installed capacity of 500 megawatts, the project would rank among the largest renewable energy initiatives in the region.

During negotiations, it was emphasized that Khatlon has been strengthening its economic ties with Chinese firms and offers favorable conditions for the construction of infrastructure and energy facilities. The region is seen as a key zone for attracting foreign direct investment.

Dayu New Energy CEO David Liu noted that the company has operated in the renewable energy sector since 2018, specializing in the construction and operation of solar and wind power stations. He added that the firm is currently implementing wind energy projects in Georgia and Kazakhstan, underscoring its practical experience and technological capacity.

Following the meeting, the head of the Khatlon region expressed support for the project and confirmed his willingness to facilitate its development.

As previously reported by The Times of Central Asia, Tajikistan has significantly accelerated its transition to green energy. The country has already launched its largest solar initiative to date: the construction of two photovoltaic power plants with a combined capacity of 500 MW, an unprecedented move for the republic.

In a related development, the Asian Development Bank recently approved a $1 million grant to support technical assistance for floating solar photovoltaic systems in Tajikistan.

27 Jan 2026

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How Expats Experience Life in Kazakhstan

January 27, 2026
By Times of Central Asia

Kazakhstan has long sought to cultivate a positive image abroad, as reflected in its foreign direct investment. By mid-2025, the country had attracted $9.4 billion from Eurasian nations alone, securing the top position among Central Asian nations. On the tourism front, 7.5 million foreigners visited Kazakhstan in the first half of 2025, with growth also recorded in related service sectors. The country’s visa-free regime with several nations likely contributed to the increase.

Yet statistics reveal little about everyday life, particularly for foreigners who have made Kazakhstan their temporary or long-term home. To look beyond the numbers, The Times of Central Asia spoke with expatriates living across the country.

Expectations vs. Reality

Most interviewees admitted to having few expectations before their arrival, citing limited awareness of Kazakhstan in their home countries. One recounted a peculiar question posed by their family before departure: “People don’t really talk about Kazakhstan very often in the U.S., and when they do, they’re often very misinformed about what life is like here. For example, my family asked if I would have running water.”

While few voiced concerns about basic amenities, several mentioned the difficulty of finding specific goods and services.

“It can be frustrating sometimes trying to find specific items, and line culture (waiting one’s turn) is non-existent. It’s definitely every man for himself,” said one expat.

The same individual noted that although bureaucratic procedures can be cumbersome, essential services, such as obtaining a personal identification number, remain accessible, a sentiment echoed by others.

Those living in Almaty, Kazakhstan’s southern capital, praised the public transportation system while acknowledging worsening traffic:

“Traffic jams have become awful over the past two years, but that’s a problem in all major cities,” said a French expat. “It’s a shame there are no more city bike rentals. I really hope they’ll come back in the spring.”

Downtown Almaty; image: TCA

Adapting to Society and Intentions to Stay

Most respondents said they had few difficulties adjusting to life in Kazakhstan, crediting their ability to communicate in Russian as a key factor in social integration and building local friendships. Three interviewees said they spent more time with fellow expatriates, with two attributing this to the nature of their stay, while one felt his professional and daily interactions with locals were sufficient.

One interviewee said their smooth adaptation was helped by the modernity of Kazakhstan’s major cities: “I’ve spent some time out in the Karaganda region, in small villages. I think adapting there would be a much bigger adjustment,” they told TCA.

All interviewees described locals as exceptionally hospitable, even to strangers: “You always hear about hospitality being important here and in other Central Asian countries. Whenever we needed help, friends or even people we didn’t know were incredibly helpful.”

In discussing professional environments, most agreed that work culture is far more relaxed than in the West. However, one noted a downside: “In Kazakhstan, there’s a very strict hierarchy. Of course, it varies by firm, but in more traditional companies, entry-level workers are expected to grind things out, work hard, and not question their superiors.”

When asked about plans to stay, most indicated that anything beyond a year would depend on pay and visa conditions. One also cited political dynamics as a factor: “I wouldn’t want to live here long-term if the political situation starts resembling some of the countries that neighbor Kazakhstan.”

No one expressed concerns about their personal safety. However, one expat highlighted the lack of social safety nets: “Kazakhstan has a cash-based mentality to the extent that many people don’t think about what their money can do for them, like saving for retirement or building a pension. Also, I couldn’t see myself living in an apartment forever.”

Baiterek, Astana; image: TCA

Overall Migration Trends

In 2024, 29,282 people arrived in Kazakhstan for permanent residence, while 12,732 left the country. The vast majority of these movements involved Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) countries, 81.6% of arrivals and 74.8% of departures.

Among non-CIS nations, the largest numbers of arrivals came from China, Mongolia, and Turkey. Departures were primarily to Germany, Poland, and the U.S.

As The Times of Central Asia previously reported, by December 1, 2025, a total of 14,103 foreign citizens were officially employed in Kazakhstan under permits issued by local executive authorities.

27 Jan 2026

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TCA Interview: Musician Merey Otan on the Reinvention of Kazakh Musical Instruments

January 27, 2026
By Tamila Olzhbaekova

Until recently, Kazakh national instruments were largely associated with school concerts, folk ensembles, and official ceremonies. The dombra (a long-necked, two-stringed plucked instrument), kobyz (a bowed string instrument with two horsehair strings), and sybyzgy (a wooden end-blown flute traditionally made from apricot wood) seemed to occupy a separate cultural space: symbolically important, yet detached from everyday life.

“Before, the dombra was for me only part of school concerts,” recalls Sanzhar Uvashev, 24, a sales specialist from Almaty. “It was brought out on holidays, people dressed in national costumes, played a couple of obligatory songs, and that was it. I never thought this instrument could sound different, or be part of contemporary music.”

Today, that distance is steadily narrowing.

The sound of the dombra is increasingly featured in contemporary original music, electronic compositions, film scores, and social media. Young musicians are not abandoning tradition, but they are no longer treating it as something frozen in time.

To understand how this rethinking is taking place, and why tradition need not remain ‘untouched’, The Times of Central Asia spoke with Merey Otan, a researcher and musician who works with Kazakh instruments in a modern cultural context.

ТCA: Merey, how did your study of national instruments begin? Was it a deliberate decision?

MO: It started during my master’s studies, when I was writing a thesis on contemporary music in Kazakhstan. As part of that research, I interviewed the ethno-rock band Aldaspan and kobyz player Almat Saizhan. I was especially interested in how the dombra and kobyz were being transformed and modernized and eventually devoted a whole chapter of my work to this topic. So yes, it was a conscious choice.

TCA: People often argue that tradition should be preserved in its original form. What’s your take on that?

MO: I’ve heard that view often, especially from traditional musicians. Some believe, for example, that an electronic dombra desecrates the instrument. Given the sacred meaning of the dombra and kobyz, I understand that stance. In sociology, these people are sometimes called purists.

But I disagree. The world is changing, and some traditions from the nomadic era have lost their relevance or even become barriers. I believe traditions can, and sometimes should, evolve. If modifying an instrument helps engage younger generations, why not?

TCA: Where do you personally draw the line between respect for heritage and experimentation?

MO: I see nothing wrong with experimentation. On the contrary, bands like Steppe Sons show deep respect for heritage. Their members have formal musical education and a strong grounding in tradition.

However, it’s important to consider the concept of cultural appropriation from postcolonial theory. This occurs when privileged groups use the culture of marginalized communities for personal gain. In music, this might look like a Western artist profiting from Kazakh instruments without acknowledging Kazakh musicians. That, in my view, is disrespectful.

TCA: Is there still criticism about the “incorrect” use of traditional instruments?

MO: Yes, certainly. When Aldaspan introduced the electronic dombra, public figures like Bekbolat Tleukhan were highly critical. But I think this is just a matter of time. Remember how electric bass guitars were once seen as controversial; now no one bats an eye.

TCA: Why are young audiences drawn to ethnic sounds again?

MO: In Kazakhstan, the issue of decolonization is very prominent. A generation born after independence sees the world and its place in it differently. Young people are re-evaluating the Soviet legacy, language, history, and culture. In music, this shows up as a search for something distinctly Kazakh, something ethnically rooted.

ТCA: Do perceptions of the dombra and kobyz change when they’re heard outside traditional settings?

MO: Definitely. For example, the band The Buhars has used traditional instruments in its music, and their tracks “Teniz” with Jeltoksan and “Undeme” with Me and My Invisible Orchestra became hugely popular.

The group Irina Kairatovna included a dombra melody in the film Kok Tu, which went viral on social media. When contemporary artists use traditional instruments, they suddenly become “cool” and reignite interest in cultural heritage.

ТCA: How do you see the future of Kazakh national instruments?

MO: I believe the whole world will hear them. Recently, the Kazakh artist Yenlik performed on the international Colors platform alongside globally recognized musicians. Not long ago, that would’ve seemed impossible. That’s why I’m confident our instruments can become part of the global stage.

ТCA: Can we say tradition is no longer the past, but the present?

MO: I’d refer to the book The Invention of Tradition, which shows that many so-called “ancient” traditions are in fact relatively recent. The modern form of the dombra was largely shaped during the Soviet era. Historically, each instrument was made for an individual musician, with unique tuning and natural strings. Standardization has inevitably altered its sound. So tradition is never entirely “past”, it always exists in the present.

Today, Kazakh national instruments are transcending familiar perceptions. They sound different, appear in unexpected contexts, and provoke debate and resistance, which means they continue to live. Perhaps the real question is no longer how to preserve tradition, but how to let it evolve without silencing its voice.

27 Jan 2026

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Analysis: Three Decades of Parliamentary Reform in Central Asia — and What Changed

January 28, 2026
By Bruce Pannier

Kazakhstan’s President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev announced his reform plans on January 20, including structural changes to the government. Arguably, one of the least consequential of those changes is replacing the current bicameral parliament with a unicameral parliament.

Across Central Asia, over the last 35 years, parliaments have repeatedly switched from unicameral to bicameral parliaments, or vice versa, the number of deputies has increased and decreased, and in some cases, parallel bodies have come into existence and later disappeared.

Kazakhstan

When the Soviet Union collapsed in late 1991, each of the former republics, including the Central Asian countries of Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan, had a unicameral, republican Supreme Soviet elected in 1990. These Supreme Soviets continued functioning after independence until 1994, and in the case of Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan, until 1995.

In Kazakhstan, in December 1993, the majority of the 360 deputies in the Supreme Soviet voted to dissolve the body. In March 1994, there were elections to the new parliament (Supreme Kenges) that had 177 seats.

During the tumultuous year of 1995, the parliament was dissolved by then-President Nursultan Nazarbayev, who ruled by decree until snap parliamentary elections in December of that year.

However, on August 29, 1995, voters approved a new constitution in a national referendum. That constitution created a bicameral parliament with 67 deputies in the Mazhilis, the lower house, and 50 deputies in the Senate, 10 of them directly appointed by the president.

Deputies to the Mazhilis were chosen in popular elections. Senators were chosen in indirect elections involving deputies from local, provincial, and municipal councils of large cities.

In the snap parliamentary elections of October 1999, 10 seats were added and chosen by party lists, while the original 67 continued to be contested in single-mandate districts.

That structure lasted until 2007. Constitutional amendments adopted in late May that year increased the number of seats in the Mazhilis to 107, of which 98 were to be chosen by party lists. Nazarbayev’s Nur-Otan party won all 98 of the party list seats in the August elections.

The remaining nine representatives came from the Assembly of Peoples of Kazakhstan, a group representing the various ethnic groups in Kazakhstan that Nazarbayev created in 1995. Eight additional members of the Assembly were given seats in the Senate.

The Assembly held its own elections to fill those seats.

Kazakhstan conducted a constitutional referendum in June 2022, in part aimed at mollifying discontent that lingered from the mass unrest in early January that year, which left 238 people dead. Some amendments stripped away powers in the executive branch that had accumulated during the 28 years Nazarbayev was president, and more power was given to parliament.

Another amendment removed the nine Mazhilis seats reserved for members of the Assembly of Peoples of Kazakhstan. One amendment reduced the number of Senate members appointed by the president back to 10, after it had been raised to 15 under a 2007 amendment.

Kyrgyzstan

A referendum in Kyrgyzstan on constitutional amendments in October 1994 created a bicameral parliament with 70 seats in the Legislative Assembly, the lower house, and 35 in the Assembly of People’s Representatives, the upper house. Kyrgyzstan’s first parliamentary elections were held in February 1995.

When the 2000 parliamentary elections came around, the number of seats was slightly altered: 60 in the Legislative Assembly, and 45 in the Assembly of People’s Representatives.

The referendum of 2003 changed the structure again, creating a unicameral parliament with 75 seats for the 2005 elections.

In October 2007, another constitutional referendum enlarged parliament to 90 seats and stipulated that they all would be filled in elections by party lists.

In June 2010, less than three months after Kurmanbek Bakiyev was ousted as Kyrgyzstan’s president, a referendum was conducted that changed Kyrgyzstan’s form of government from presidential to parliamentary and increased the number of deputies to 120.

Kyrgyzstan’s 2020 parliamentary elections were rife with accusations of vote-buying, gerrymandering, and the use of administrative resources to fill parliament with presidential loyalists. The results announced in October supported these suspicions. That sparked unrest in the capital, Bishkek.

Sooronbai Jeenbekov was ousted as Kyrgyzstan’s president in October 2020 and quickly replaced by Sadyr Japarov, Kyrgyzstan’s current president.

A referendum in April 2021 approved turning Kyrgyzstan back to a presidential form of government, with Japarov arguably enjoying greater powers than any previous Kyrgyz president. The referendum also reduced the number of seats in parliament back to 90.

Another amendment in that referendum raised the status of Kyrgyzstan’s People’s Kurultai to a “public representative assembly… a deliberative, supervisory assembly, making recommendations on areas of social development.” A Kurultai is an ancient Turkic and Mongol tradition of assembling communities, or representatives of communities, to discuss important matters, including the selection of new leaders.

In Kyrgyzstan, national Kurultais have been called previously, usually during times of great social tension or by Kyrgyz presidents seeking support from a group that is supposed to represent traditional Kyrgyz values. The status of Kyrgyzstan’s People’s Kuriltai under the current constitution is not clearly defined, but some see it as potentially a parallel structure to parliament.

Parliamentary elections in November 2021 were decided under a split-system of 54 seats contested by party lists and 36 in single-mandate districts. In the November 2025 elections, single-mandate districts filled all 90 seats.

Tajikistan

Less than a year after it became independent, there was a civil war in Tajikistan that lasted until June 1997.

The Supreme Soviet remained until 1995, and after the post of president was removed in November 1992, the chairman of the Supreme Soviet, at that time Emomali Rahmon (Rahmonov), was made the head of state.

A referendum in November 1994 approved a new constitution that created a 181-seat unicameral parliament, and elections for that parliament were held in February 1995.

The Tajik Peace Accord was signed on June 27, 1997, ending the civil war.

In 1999, a new constitution established a bicameral parliament with 63 seats in the Majlisi Namoyandagon, the lower house of parliament, elected by party lists, and 33 seats in the Majlisi Milli, the upper house, elected by representatives of city, regional, and district administrations.

That arrangement has endured to this day.

Turkmenistan

The constitution that Turkmenistan adopted in May 1992 created a parliament with 50 seats, and that number remained until the 2008 parliamentary elections.

However, after a November 2002 attack on President Saparmurat Niyazov’s motorcade, state investigators said the organizers of the attack planned to kill Niyazov, then convene parliament to approve new leadership.

In August 2003, Niyazov increased the powers of a consultative body called the Halk Maslahaty (People’s Council) that had previously met once a year to rubber-stamp presidential policies, including making Niyazov “president for life” at a session in 1999.

The Halk Maslahaty was comprised of a variety of people: all the parliamentary deputies, local officials, businessmen, religious figures, and others from around the country. More than 2,500 in all. It was therefore impossible to gather them all quickly, and Niyazov subordinated parliament to the Halk Maslahaty.

Niyazov died in December 2006, and his successor, Gurbanguly Berdimuhamedov, introduced amendments to the constitution in September 2008 that abolished the Halk Maslahaty and increased the number of seats in parliament to 125.

The parliamentary elections later in 2008 were also notable for being the first time the ruling Democratic Party of Turkmenistan (formerly the Communist Party of the Turkmen SSR) faced competition. The government created two new parties to give the appearance of conducting competitive elections.

The number of parliamentary seats remained 125, but in 2017, Berdimuhamedov told a meeting of the Council of Elders that he was reforming the group into a new Halk Maslahaty that includes citizens of different ages.

Changes adopted to Turkmenistan’s constitution in late 2020 led to the creation of a bicameral parliament in early 2021, with parliament becoming the lower house and the Halk Maslahaty the upper house.

Berdimuhamedov stepped down as president in early 2022 after having spent several years preparing his son Serdar to take the post. The elder Berdimuhamedov then took the post of Halk Maslahaty chairman.

In January 2023, parliament amended the constitution. The Halk Maslahaty was made the supreme body in the country, with parliament reverting to its unicameral form, and the Halk Maslahaty’s chairman becoming the country’s most powerful politician, more powerful than the president.

Uzbekistan

Voters in Uzbekistan elected 250 deputies to the unicameral parliament in the elections of 1994 and 1999.

The January 2002 referendum approved the creation of a bicameral parliament with 120 seats in the Oliy Majilis, the lower house, and 100 seats in the Senate, the upper house.

Voters only cast ballots for deputies in the Oily Majlis. In the Senate, 84 members were elected by provincial, district, and city councils, and 16 were selected by the president. They took office after the 2004 elections.

Before the 2009 parliamentary elections, an additional 30 seats were added to the Oliy Majlis. However, 15 of these places were reserved for members of the Ecological Movement.

The Uzbek authorities were pressuring Tajikistan not to go ahead with plans to build a massive hydropower plant (HPP), Rogun, upstream. Uzbekistan’s Ecological Movement was spearheading the criticisms against Tajikistan even before its inclusion in parliament.

Uzbekistan’s first president, Islam Karimov, died in the summer of 2016. His successor, Shavkat Mirziyoyev, reversed Uzbekistan’s position on the Rogun HPP and declared that Uzbekistan would work with Tajikistan to build it.

The first parliamentary elections held after Mirziyoyev came to power were in 2019. Before those elections, the Ecological Movement became the Ecological Party and had to compete for seats in the Oliy Majlis, like the other parties.

Constitutional amendments in 2023 reduced the size of the Senate to 65 members, four from each of Uzbekistan’s 12 provinces, the Karakalpakstan Republic, and Tashkent city, with the president appointing the remaining nine members.

Round in Circles

Kazakhstan’s new unicameral parliament will be called the Kurultai. It will have 145 deputies elected on the basis of party lists. It appears the rule will stand that only candidates from officially registered parties will be able to participate in elections. That is also true in all the other Central Asian states except Kyrgyzstan, the only country that still allows independent candidates to run.

All the Central Asian states have seen their parliaments transformed, expanded, and contracted. Every time, there were reasons given why these changes represented political and social progress. Yet after 35 years, the decisions in each country are still made by one man, the president (or in Turkmenistan’s case, the Halk Maslahaty chairman), and a small inner circle.

The changes coming to Kazakhstan could herald a new era of politics in that country, but in the past, such changes have usually been window-dressing, not substantive political change.

27 Jan 2026

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Kazakh Science Ministry Expands Strategic Partnership with AstraZeneca

January 27, 2026
By Sergey Kwan

Kazakhstan has entered a new phase of cooperation with British-Swedish pharmaceutical giant AstraZeneca, expanding the partnership beyond healthcare into science, education, and innovation.

On January 26, Minister of Science and Higher Education Sayasat Nurbek visited AstraZeneca’s Discovery Centre in Cambridge, the company’s largest global research and innovation hub, where a memorandum of understanding was signed with AstraZeneca Kazakhstan.

According to the ministry, the agreement paves the way for new areas of collaboration aimed at strengthening national scientific capacity, introducing advanced medical technologies, and enhancing the long-term sustainability of Kazakhstan’s healthcare system.

The partnership will focus on several strategic areas:

Real-World Data (RWD) and Real-World Evidence (RWE): Development of advanced data analytics tools to support scientific research, clinical decision-making, and evidence-based healthcare policy.
Expansion of the Young Health Program: Prevention of non-communicable diseases among youth and the promotion of responsible health behaviors.
Sustainable Development and Economic Diversification: Joint initiatives in environmental protection, green technologies, and sustainable business practices.
Early Diagnosis and Healthcare Resilience: Implementation of modern screening methods, specialist training, and development of diagnostic infrastructure.

Nurbek highlighted that the memorandum creates new opportunities to integrate research, education, and real-world clinical practice.

“It is important not only to develop fundamental science, but also to ensure the transfer of advanced technologies and data into everyday medical practice. This partnership strengthens Kazakhstan’s scientific and biomedical potential,” he said.

AstraZeneca has steadily expanded its operations in Kazakhstan in recent years.

In April 2024, the Ministry of Healthcare, the Almaty city administration, national investment agency Kazakh Invest, and AstraZeneca signed an agreement on the contract manufacturing of biotechnological products. The initiative supports Kazakhstan’s strategic goal of increasing the share of domestically produced medicines to 50%.

In July 2024, AstraZeneca and the state pharmaceutical distributor SK-Pharmacy signed a long-term agreement on local production and technology transfer.

According to Maria Shipuleva, CEO of AstraZeneca Kazakhstan, the company’s innovative medicines will be produced at the Nobel Almaty Pharmaceutical Factory. The production portfolio includes treatments for diabetes, chronic heart failure, chronic kidney disease, multiple forms of leukemia, and cancer therapies for breast, ovarian, prostate, and pancreatic cancers.