• KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00212 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10432 -0.29%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0.28%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00212 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10432 -0.29%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0.28%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00212 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10432 -0.29%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0.28%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00212 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10432 -0.29%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0.28%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00212 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10432 -0.29%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0.28%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00212 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10432 -0.29%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0.28%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00212 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10432 -0.29%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0.28%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00212 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10432 -0.29%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0.28%

Democracy’s Unsung Day Finds a Voice in Tashkent

For a holiday few have heard of, the International Day of Parliamentarism carries more weight than its quiet profile suggests. Marked each year on June 30th — the anniversary of the Inter-Parliamentary Union’s founding in 1889 — it was never intended to generate mass celebrations. Instead, it serves as a modest reminder that parliamentary institutions, often overlooked and frequently maligned, still matter.

This year, the occasion arrived with more relevance than usual. In April, Tashkent hosted the 150th Assembly of the Inter-Parliamentary Union (IPU) — the first time such a gathering had taken place in Central Asia. It was Uzbekistan’s diplomatic debut on the global parliamentary stage, attracting over 1,400 delegates from 130 countries. The timing, just months before the official Day of Parliamentarism, was deliberate.

For Uzbekistan, still navigating its democratic evolution, the event offered both a platform and a test. President Shavkat Mirziyoyev opened the proceedings with an appeal to the enduring value of representative institutions. “You are a powerful force,” he told lawmakers, “capable of perceiving the concerns and problems of ordinary people, elevating them, if necessary, to the regional and international level, and finding effective solutions for them.” In a country where the parliament remains largely deferential to the executive, the words were aspirational. Yet they reflected a broader ambition: to present Uzbekistan as a serious contributor to global governance conversations, and as a reformer — albeit a cautious one — at home.

The assembly also put a spotlight on the International Day itself, which remains unfamiliar to many. Established by the UN in 2018, the day commemorates the founding of the IPU and serves to promote parliaments as critical pillars of democracy, lawmaking, and oversight. While few countries observe it with more than a press release, the IPU has worked to turn June 30th into a hub for discussion, experimentation, and institutional self-reflection.

This year’s global theme is gender equality. Under the motto “Step by Step Toward Gender Equality,” the IPU — together with UN Women — has launched a campaign marking the 30th anniversary of the Beijing Declaration. It comes at a time when progress on women’s political representation has slowed. As of early 2025, fewer than one-third of national parliamentarians globally are women. In some regions, the numbers are falling.

The campaign goes beyond slogans. It calls for legal quotas, safer working conditions, and stronger mechanisms to address harassment and political violence. In Tashkent, the initiative received an unexpected boost. President Mirziyoyev cited research estimating that global GDP could rise by over 25% if gender parity were achieved in public and economic life. His remarks were later incorporated into the Tashkent Declaration — a document that emphasized the link between inclusive representation and sustainable development.

The IPU itself has taken modest but meaningful steps to promote gender balance within its ranks. Delegations without women face sanctions; forums for women parliamentarians are increasingly influential; and men are being actively recruited as allies in the push for equality. The campaign’s underlying message is clear: democracy without diversity is fragile.

Other issues are gaining traction as well. Environmental policy, once a peripheral concern for legislative bodies, is now part of the parliamentary mainstream. In 2023, the IPU launched “Parliaments for the Planet,” urging lawmakers to align national laws with global climate goals. While most of the heavy lifting still falls to governments and regulators, parliaments are beginning to exercise oversight over emissions plans, green budgeting, and environmental justice. In resource-rich countries where environmental decisions often carry political risk, the IPU’s model — quiet encouragement, peer engagement, and scorecard monitoring — may be the most effective approach available.

Perhaps the most intriguing innovations, however, are happening outside the formal structures. In recent years, countries from Latin America to South Asia have begun experimenting with “parliamentary hackathons” — events that bring together lawmakers, technologists, students, and civil society to reimagine legislative processes. Some of these efforts focus on transparency, others on digital public consultation, or tracking the implementation of laws. In places where faith in democracy is eroding, they represent an attempt to modernize without losing legitimacy.

The International Day of Parliamentarism now serves as a kind of annual rallying point for these scattered efforts. In dozens of countries, parliaments have begun using June 30th to host public forums, open hearings, youth events, and expert panels. In some cases, it has even become a moment of accountability — an opportunity for legislatures to report on their activities and test new forms of public engagement.

Still, challenges remain. In many democracies, parliaments are gridlocked, weakened by executive overreach or hollowed out by hyper-partisanship. In others, they are little more than ceremonial bodies. The IPU cannot change that single-handedly, but it can set expectations and share models that work.

Its Secretary-General, Martin Chungong, is fond of saying that modern parliaments “must develop significantly to meet the demands of today’s world.” The demands are clear enough: transparency, inclusivity, technological adaptability, and renewed public trust. Meeting them won’t be easy. But if parliamentarism is to survive as more than a formality, it must prove its relevance again and again.

That a relatively young democracy like Uzbekistan chose to host the world’s parliamentarians is no small gesture. Nor is it without risk. But it suggests a willingness, however tentative, to be part of something broader. For one day at least, democracy’s least flashy institution found its voice in Tashkent.

From Eurasia to Greater Central Asia: A Region Reclaims Its Voice

At its most basic, Eurasia refers to the combined landmass of Europe and Asia, stretching from the Atlantic Ocean in the west to the Pacific in the east, and from the Arctic in the north to South and Southeast Asia in the south. Yet when defined in political or economic terms, the concept becomes more complex. This vast region—covering over 36% of the world’s surface area—includes influential Western institutions in the west, such as the European Union and the Council of Europe. In contrast, the east is shaped by post-Soviet and Sino-Russian groupings, including the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS), the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO), and the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU).

In policy circles, the term “Eurasia” often refers more narrowly to the Caucasus (Armenia, Azerbaijan, Georgia) and Central Asia (Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, Mongolia, and Afghanistan). Yet countries in these regions rarely lead the institutions that shape their future. Instead, most regional organizations are dominated by larger powers, primarily Russia and China. One partial exception is the Organization of Turkic States (OTS), though it excludes non-Turkic members such as Tajikistan, Georgia, and Armenia.

Many external actors—beginning with Japan’s “Central Asia plus Japan” initiative in 2001—have formed dialogue platforms with the five post-Soviet Central Asian republics, often referred to collectively as the “C5.” More recently, Turkey, China, the EU, and others have created similar frameworks. While these engagements have value, they are usually shaped by external agendas. The fundamental issue remains: Central Asia lacks strong, self-directed institutions of its own.

In response to this institutional vacuum, Professor S. Frederick Starr proposed in 2015 a broader regional framing: Greater Central Asia. He called for moving beyond the Soviet-era definition of Central Asia to include neighboring regions with shared historical, cultural, and strategic ties. He also noted a stark reality: Greater Central Asia is the only region of its kind without its own exclusive institutions—ones not directed by outsiders.

That may be starting to change. A more distinct regional identity is emerging, with new frameworks for cooperation gradually taking shape. As countries in the region increasingly define their own development priorities and diversify partnerships beyond Moscow and Beijing, there is growing momentum for a more autonomous and inclusive model of regional integration.

One of the clearest examples is CAMCA—an initiative that reflects the full geographic and political scope of Greater Central Asia. Over the past decade, the Central Asia-Caucasus Institute (CACI), founded by Professor Starr, has worked with the Rumsfeld Foundation to support a new generation of regional leaders through the CAMCA Fellowship Program. Originally conceived by alumni of a joint initiative between Starr and former U.S. Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld more than fifteen years ago, the CAMCA Network has become one of the few institutions uniting the entire Greater Central Asia region.

Each year, the fellowship culminates in a regional forum hosted by a different CAMCA country. The most recent—held last week in Ulaanbaatar—marked the 11th such gathering and the second time the event has been hosted by CAMCA fellows in Mongolia. Originally focused on trade, CAMCA has since broadened its scope. The 2025 agenda included sessions on tourism, AI, women in business, and media, alongside its traditional focus on investment and geopolitics. Over 300 delegates attended, including many from outside the region.

Yet questions remain. Can the ten diverse CAMCA countries—each with its own economic model and foreign policy—truly unite around a shared regional vision? With strong trade ties to China and Russia already delivering growth, is there sufficient political will to challenge the status quo?

Many CAMCA leaders believe so. While there is clear synergy with certain U.S. foreign policy objectives, the initiative does not seek to reorient the region toward Washington. Instead, it aims to foster practical collaboration among Greater Central Asian countries themselves.

Professor Starr has described the region as being “on the cusp of a dramatically different world,” where declining Russian and Chinese influence could create new space for local agency. At the Ulaanbaatar forum, Laura Linderman, Director of Programs at CACI, cautioned that such an opportunity could be lost unless countries in the region act with greater purpose. She urged governments to “reject outdated Cold War divisions” and focus on “connecting emerging leaders.”

One of the most revealing insights came from Sanat Kushkumbayev, a Senior Research Fellow at the Kazakhstan Institute for Strategic Studies (KazISS), who documented the overlooked history of the Central Asian Economic Union (CAEU) of the 1990s. Created and led by the Central Asian republics, the CAEU was so effective that Russia, under President Putin, asked to join. No external actors objected. Instead of joining, however, Putin dissolved the CAEU and established the EAEU—under Moscow’s leadership. Speaking at the Ulaanbaatar forum, Kushkumbayev remarked, “Leaders talk about unity, but without strong institutions, nothing will last.” His account highlights a lost moment of regional initiative and the factors that derailed it.

That call for renewed agency was echoed by delegates at the forum. Dr. Fuad Karimov, an Azerbaijani fintech executive, argued that CAMCA could serve as a practical engine for regulatory alignment, cross-border fintech collaboration, and knowledge exchange. Kyrgyz investor Daniel Abdyldaev, founder of the chANGELS platform, emphasized the community-building power of the network, noting, “None of our countries can integrate into the global ecosystem by itself, so it is crucial for our region to join forces and unite.”

Yet significant challenges persist. At a media roundtable, participants acknowledged the worsening state of press freedom in the region. Armenia ranks highest among CAMCA countries at 34th globally, while most of Central Asia ranks much lower, with Afghanistan at the bottom. Panelists—including Kyrgyz journalist Aigerim Turgunbaeva and Joanna Lillis of The Economist—noted that frameworks like WTO accession could pressure governments to adopt international standards. Uzbekistan, nearing WTO membership, may soon face such expectations. While regional cooperation remains the focus, global institutions still have a role to play in promoting transparency, accountability, and long-term reform.

Participation in global institutions like the WTO can help Eurasian countries integrate more deeply into the world economy while encouraging regulatory reform. All CAMCA countries are WTO members except Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan, and Azerbaijan, with Uzbekistan now in the final stages of accession. For a region often shaped by external powers, greater engagement with multilateral systems could help reinforce homegrown institutional development.

As Greater Central Asia moves to reclaim its voice, the future of the region will depend on whether its leaders can turn shared vision into shared infrastructure. CAMCA is not yet a finished structure, but it is one of the first forums to be built from within. Its strength lies not in replacing existing ties, but in deepening regional confidence—and showing that cooperation on Central Asia’s terms is not only possible, but long overdue.

“I Dreamed of Writing Without Borders”: An Interview With a Kazakh Journalist in Russia

Elmira, a journalist from Astana, moved to St. Petersburg six years ago to study journalism. Since then, she has transformed from a reserved first-year student into a working reporter, navigating culture shock, social media censorship, and the outbreak of the war in Ukraine. In this candid interview, Elmira discusses Russian bureaucracy, casual racism, and finding her voice in the Russian media landscape. She also offers reflections for others considering a similar path.

TCA: Why did you choose to study in St. Petersburg rather than stay in Kazakhstan or go elsewhere?

Elmira: I applied before the war in Ukraine began. At that time, Russia seemed like a land of opportunity, where you could earn a decent living even without connections, which is rare in Kazakhstan. Plus, Russia offers state-funded spots for foreign students, as long as you pass the entrance exams.

Kazakh journalism programs felt underdeveloped to me; they lacked tradition, experienced faculty, and institutional history. In contrast, Russian journalism schools had all of that. Also, I wanted to write in Russian. My family always spoke Russian at home, and Kazakh was harder for me, an experience common among northern Kazakhs. Studying elsewhere was financially out of reach, and among CIS countries, Russia was the most appealing.

TCA: Why journalism? And did your expectations match reality?

Elmira: I’ve loved writing since childhood, school news, travel stories, anything. I imagined journalism as limitless creativity. In reality, it has even more constraints than other fields: editorial policies, laws, and censorship. Still, I wasn’t disappointed. Restrictions force you to innovate, and a strong story can always be told within the right format.

TCA: What were your first impressions of university life? Did you feel like part of an international community or an outsider?

Elmira: The university itself was a pleasant surprise. Many professors were open-minded and genuinely interested in students’ ideas. That made me feel I belonged.

But the student environment was tougher. Although classmates claimed, “We’re not racist,” jokes about Tajiks, Uzbeks, and Caucasians were common, and occasionally about Kazakhs too, disguised as “harmless humor.” These moments were alienating. You’re sitting in the same lectures, working on the same projects, but still feel like a stranger.

TCA: Was the Kazakh diaspora in St. Petersburg helpful during your adjustment?

Elmira: Definitely. The community is very supportive. Besides the consulate, groups like Atameken and Dostar host cultural events. I couldn’t volunteer, but I never missed Nauryz or Independence Day. Just being able to speak with fellow Kazakhs helped me feel at home.

TCA: What domestic or cultural challenges surprised you the most?

Elmira: Dorm life was tough. Once, I overheard roommates say, “How can you live with a Chinese woman? She must smell bad.” These moments were rare but memorable.

Still, there were warm experiences. In the dorm, I befriended students from Kyrgyzstan, Armenia, and Tajikistan. We cooked together, shared stories, and supported each other. That helped me to feel part of a community.

I was also heartened that many Russian students were genuinely curious about Kazakhstan. They asked about our traditions, holidays, food, and even wanted to learn Kazakh words. That interest helped bridge gaps.

TCA: What bureaucratic challenges did you face as a foreign student?

Elmira: Once I moved out of the dorm, everything was on me: registrations, medical checks, document translations, insurance. The queues at the MFC were endless, and staff often didn’t know the rules. There’s only one clinic in the city that handles medical exams for foreigners. I once waited there for nearly nine hours.

TCA: How did you transition from student to journalist?

Elmira: I started writing for Kazakhstani outlets in my first year. By graduation, I had a solid portfolio, which made getting internships and job offers easier. Editorial teams were welcoming and quite diverse.

TCA: How did the war in Ukraine, starting on February 24, 2022, affect you and your university environment?

Elmira: It was terrifying. I seriously considered dropping out, but my parents persuaded me to stay, and they were right. The first months were tense. Some friends criticized me for “staying in Russia,” even though I opposed the war.

At university, political discussions disappeared. Navalny’s name wasn’t mentioned. Topics like Chechnya were covered in vague terms. Censorship grew steadily, Instagram was no longer considered a source, and LGBT issues were whispered about.

TCA: How did media censorship and tech restrictions affect your work?

Elmira: At first, it was chaotic, VPNs failed, and services like Canva were blocked. Now, I pay for a reliable VPN and keep backups for essential tools. I avoid sensitive topics that could endanger sources or myself, but even cultural reporting is now reviewed under new laws.

TCA: Have you faced job discrimination as a foreigner?

Elmira: Not directly during interviews, but as a part-time layout designer, I noticed something. A Russian friend and I would apply for the same internships, same skills, and with similar portfolios. She got interviews, I got polite rejections. It likely wasn’t about qualifications but assumptions: that I might have an accent, misunderstand tasks, or not fit in.

TCA: Are there any advantages to being a foreigner in Russian media?

Elmira: Honestly? Not many. It’s riskier to tackle controversial topics. But I’ve found a niche, writing about cultural ties across CIS countries. My background gives me insight that others might not have.

TCA: What helped you overcome the challenges?

Elmira: Friends, above all. I met my future husband in St. Petersburg; he’s Russian. His support has been essential. We’re planning to move to Kazakhstan eventually and are saving for a home there.

TCA: How have intercultural relationships affected your family dynamic?

Elmira: Our families reacted differently. My Kazakh relatives were initially worried – interethnic marriages still raise eyebrows in Kazakh society. On Kazakh social media, there are constant posts criticizing women who marry foreigners, with bizarre claims about “diluting the nation.”

Thankfully, our families came around. They saw that we respect each other and maintain traditions. We approach cultural differences not as threats, but as opportunities to grow stronger together.

TCA: What advice would you give aspiring Kazakh journalists considering a move to Russia?

Elmira:
Be realistic about the bureaucracy, registrations, health checks, and documents cost time and money. Expect cultural differences, and yes, everyday racism.

Most importantly, stay connected to Kazakhstan. The diaspora and Kazakhstani media can be a vital support system if things change.

German Firm to Build New Cargo and Passenger Airport in Kazakhstan

Kazakhstan’s Prime Minister, Olzhas Bektenov, has met with Dr. Christine Grötzbach, board member and co-founder of the German aviation company Skyhansa, to finalize the construction timeline for a new cargo and passenger airport in the Zhetysu region. The first phase of the project is expected to be completed by 2027.

The facility will be built within the Khorgos – Eastern Gate special economic zone (SEZ), located on Kazakhstan’s border with China. The project envisions the creation of a multifunctional aviation hub designed to meet ICAO international standards and will be developed in phases, according to a government announcement.

The initiative is being carried out under a framework agreement between Kazakhstan’s Ministry of Transport and the Kazakh-German consortium Skyhansa. On the German side, the project is led by the Hansa Consortium, an aviation infrastructure specialist, while the Kazakh side is represented by Skymax Technologies, a regional logistics and infrastructure operator active in Central Asia and the Caucasus.

The total investment in the airport project is projected at $500 million. Dr. Grötzbach emphasized that the vision extends far beyond a standard airport facility.

“We are creating not just an airport, but a comprehensive infrastructure: cargo and passenger terminals, a fuel and refueling complex, an aviation technical center, a business center, and hotels,” she stated. “Its strategic location near China, combined with access to rail and road transport, positions it as a key logistics node on the New Silk Road.”

Bektenov echoed this sentiment, stating that the project will significantly enhance Kazakhstan’s transport and logistics capabilities.

“The implementation of this project will give a powerful impetus to the development of transport infrastructure and reinforce Kazakhstan’s role as a bridge between China, Central Asia, and Europe,” he said.

This announcement follows a similar initiative by Kazakhstan’s Ministry of Transport, which recently signed an investment agreement with Terminals Astana Airport Limited, a subsidiary of a UAE-based holding company. That project involves a $1.1 billion investment in the development of the Astana Aerotropolis, as reported by The Times of Central Asia.

China’s Fufeng Group to Build Deep Corn Processing Plant in Kazakhstan

Kazakhstan’s Ministry of Agriculture and China’s Fufeng Group have signed an investment agreement to construct a deep corn processing plant in the Zhambyl region of southern Kazakhstan.

According to the ministry, the project will establish a vertically integrated industrial park with an annual corn processing capacity of up to one million tons. The complex will feature a starch production facility, three bio-fermentation plants, a coal-fired thermal power station, and a wastewater treatment plant. Future plans include facilities for producing hydrochloric acid and liquid ammonia.

The site will also manufacture amino acids and feed additives such as lysine, glutamine, glutamic acid, leucine, and threonine. The output will be primarily aimed at export markets in Europe, North Africa, and the Middle East.

Fufeng Group will invest approximately $350 million in the initial phase of the project, with the total investment expected to reach $800 million.

Production is scheduled to begin in 2029, with plans to scale up to five million tons of processed corn annually by 2032. The company intends to purchase 500,000 tons of locally grown corn starting in 2025 and to sign forward contracts with Kazakhstani agricultural producers in 2026.

This investment follows a broader trend of Chinese capital flowing into Kazakhstan’s agro-industrial sector. As previously reported by The Times of Central Asia, Chinese biopharmaceutical firm Yili Chuanning Biological Co. is investing $500 million in a major corn processing project in the Almaty region. That initiative will utilize advanced biotechnology to produce amino acids, probiotics, and biodegradable materials, including medical and packaging products.

Uzbekistan to Join International Nuclear Liability Agreement

Uzbekistan is set to join the 1963 Vienna Convention on Civil Liability for Nuclear Damage, following its approval by the Senate during the chamber’s eighth plenary session. According to the Senate press service, lawmakers reviewed and passed the legislation confirming Uzbekistan’s accession to the international treaty.

By joining the convention, Uzbekistan will adopt globally recognized legal standards for managing nuclear incidents. The treaty establishes a framework for liability in the event of nuclear accidents and sets out rules for compensating damages. It also mandates that nuclear facility operators provide financial guarantees to cover potential claims.

Senators emphasized that accession will strengthen the country’s legal framework on nuclear safety, enhance public trust, and promote international cooperation in the sector. “Joining the Vienna Convention means that in the event of a nuclear incident, Uzbek citizens will be better protected, and the country will be part of a global system that ensures compensation is paid fairly,” one official said.

The core aim of the convention is to define the legal responsibilities of nuclear operators and ensure a minimum level of financial protection for victims. Officials noted that the move would integrate Uzbekistan into the global nuclear legal regime, enhance systems for insurance and compensation, and clarify the government’s role in regulating the industry.

Kazakhstan is currently the only Central Asian country that is party to the Vienna Convention, according to the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA). Uzbekistan’s accession will make it the second country in the region to join.

Officials also said the decision will deepen collaboration with the IAEA and enable Uzbekistan to participate in additional international initiatives related to nuclear energy and safety.

The Senate approved the legislation unanimously at the end of the session.