• KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00196 -0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10899 -0%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 -0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28490 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00196 -0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10899 -0%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 -0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28490 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00196 -0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10899 -0%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 -0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28490 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00196 -0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10899 -0%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 -0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28490 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00196 -0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10899 -0%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 -0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28490 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00196 -0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10899 -0%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 -0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28490 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00196 -0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10899 -0%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 -0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28490 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00196 -0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10899 -0%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 -0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28490 0%
08 December 2025

The Illusion of Chinese Investment in Kazakhstan

Concerns about how Chinese businesses operate abroad — and the challenges already confronting Kazakhstani entrepreneurs — have resurfaced following a recent letter to the prime minister from an association of oil service companies reporting price dumping. Despite these developments, Kazakhstani experts remain hesitant to discuss the negative effects of China’s growing influence in the country’s real economy.

Technological Dependence

The reluctance is unsurprising. Astana’s official policy seeks broad rapprochement with Beijing, spanning economic, political, and cultural spheres. Given the power imbalance, Kazakhstan avoids public statements that might offend its wealthier partner, particularly in the media, which China monitors closely.

As a result, the recent complaint by the PetroCouncil — an oil and gas association representing more than 150 domestic service companies — about dumping by foreign, mainly Chinese, firms has been met with silence from local experts.

In a letter addressed to Prime Minister Olzhas Bektenov, the PetroCouncil warned that foreign firms, particularly from China, have been offering services to major Kazakhstani enterprises at prices 60–70% below market value. This, they argue, is forcing out local businesses, reducing Kazakhstani content, eroding tax revenue and employment, diminishing engineering expertise, and threatening industrial safety.

We asked PetroCouncil Managing Director Daniel Zholdybaev why foreign companies have come to dominate Kazakhstan’s oil and gas sector and whether the competence of local personnel or service providers is a factor.

According to Zholdybaev, the dominance is rooted in how foreign operators first entered Kazakhstan’s market: by bringing their own technologies. This created long-term dependency not only on their expertise but also on foreign suppliers.

“Chevron, for instance, maintains a vetted list of approved suppliers, and wherever the company operates, it only works with those on that list,” Zholdybaev explained.

While Kazakhstan continues to develop domestic manufacturing capabilities, local firms are still barred from participating in high-risk operations such as work on wells with extreme pressure or temperature conditions.

Zholdybaev noted that Kazakhstan’s three major fields — Tengiz, Karachaganak, and Kashagan — account for 90 percent of oil and gas imports. The operators of these projects are mainly Western companies. Russia, due to international sanctions, plays only a marginal role in procurement despite maintaining a presence in Kazakhstan.

However, it is Chinese companies, actively welcomed by the state, that have introduced the issue of price dumping.

Chinese firms operating in Kazakhstan’s oil and gas industry maintain closed procurement systems, sourcing goods and services almost exclusively from Chinese suppliers. As a result, Chinese investment brings minimal benefit to Kazakhstan’s economy. Even construction contracts often return to China.

Russian observers, typically sensitive to Central Asia’s dealings with China and the United States, have also remained largely silent on this issue. A rare exception was political analyst Yuri Baranchik, who posted a sharply critical comment on his Telegram channel:

“This is a clear example of what happens when Chinese companies are allowed full access to the domestic market,” he wrote. “They dump prices to bankrupt local businesses, monopolize the sector, and then dictate terms. Now the Kazakh government must figure out how to support its own enterprises without alienating China.”

Parallel Tourism

Meanwhile, Almaty, the country’s economic hub, is promoting its latest tourism initiative. City officials project that 50,000 Chinese tourists will visit annually, based on an agreement signed by Akim Darkhan Satybaldy and the China Professionals-Workers International Travel Service Head Office (CPITS).

“According to preliminary estimates, Chinese tourists will spend around $1,500 each on lodging, dining, excursions, and shopping,” the Akimat stated. “This could generate an annual economic impact of approximately $75 million, boosting the local economy, service industry, and small businesses.”

However, the expected benefits may be less certain. Similar assurances were made in Russia, which became a major destination for Chinese tourists even before the pandemic, only to discover an illicit ecosystem that diverted tourism revenue back to China.

In 2017, Victoria Bargacheva, president of the St. Petersburg Association of Chinese Language Guides and Interpreters, detailed how an underground economy developed around unregulated Chinese tour operators. Speaking to Fontanka, she described how Chinese tourists were funneled into Chinese-owned restaurants and shops, bypassing local businesses entirely. Travel agencies allegedly paid for accommodations with undeclared cash, cutting out Russian taxes and leaving little revenue behind.

Tourists often exchanged no rubles at all, instead using yuan and circulating funds exclusively within Chinese-owned operations.

“The tourists consume services, but the money returns to Chinese companies,” Bargacheva said. “Even hotel stays are often arranged off the books, via bribed administrators.”

Today, similar signs are emerging in Almaty. Organized groups of Chinese tourists can be seen traveling in branded private buses and visiting newly opened Asian restaurants catering specifically to them.

Whether the 50,000 visitors will truly inject $75 million into the city’s economy remains uncertain, or whether the actual figure will be far lower, with much of the revenue diverted before reaching local businesses.

Gennady Golovkin Unveils Presidential Program for World Boxing

Gennadiy Golovkin, the former world champion and current head of Kazakhstan’s National Olympic Committee, has officially presented his program as a candidate for the presidency of World Boxing.

World Boxing was established in 2023 after the International Olympic Committee (IOC) suspended the International Boxing Association (IBA) from organizing Olympic qualifying events, and raised the possibility of removing boxing from the Olympic program entirely.

Golovkin, known globally by his ring name GGG, was appointed chairman of the World Boxing Olympic Commission in late 2024. Under his leadership, the new organization secured IOC accreditation to oversee Olympic qualifying events for the 2028 Games.

The current president of World Boxing, Dutch official Boris van der Vorst, will conclude his term at the end of November 2025. He has announced he will not seek re-election.

On November 23 in Rome, representatives from 125 national boxing federations affiliated with World Boxing will vote to elect a new president, vice president, and board members. Golovkin has been nominated for all three roles. His sole opponent in the presidential race is Mariolis Charilaos of Greece.

On Friday, November 7, Golovkin published his official campaign platform.

According to the document, available via the Kazakhstan Boxing Federation’s social media channels, Golovkin’s proposals center on athlete representation, governance transparency, and digital innovation.

If elected, he plans to establish a World Boxing Athletes’ Council in 2026 with voting rights on the Executive Board, and to protect athletes’ rights through the implementation of an independent judging system.

Golovkin also aims to launch a World Boxing Academy for athletes and coaches, covering anti-doping education, mental health awareness, and refereeing standards. The academy would also assist boxers in transitioning to post-athletic careers and offer targeted grant support.

A key element of his platform is the use of artificial intelligence. Golovkin proposes AI-assisted refereeing and the creation of a digital platform called Digital Ringside, which would publish real-time bout data, athlete profiles, and explanations of judging decisions, serving as a transparency tool for the media and public.

In addition, Golovkin advocates for the annual publication of audited financial reports and the development of sponsorships with international brands aligned with Olympic values to support amateur boxing.

“As chairman of the World Boxing Olympic Commission, I worked with partners to expand our membership base. Thanks to those efforts, we achieved provisional recognition and preserved boxing’s place in the Los Angeles 2028 Olympic program,” Golovkin said. “If you place your trust in me, I will continue working to safeguard boxing’s Olympic future, not only for 2028, but for generations to come and to secure full IOC recognition for World Boxing.”

As previously reported by The Times of Central Asia, World Boxing held its first amateur world championship in 2025, where Kazakhstan topped the team standings.

Washington Shifts C5+1 From Diplomacy to Deals

On November 6, 2025, Washington hosted the C5+1 summit, bringing U.S. President Donald Trump together with the leaders of Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan. The tone shifted from broad diplomacy to deliverable transactions, with officials emphasizing cooperation on critical raw materials. The timing signified a broader shift in supply chains away from China and Russia, and the discussion moved from general diplomacy to transactions that can be tracked and delivered.

The private-sector track also accelerated. The B5+1 (“B” for “business”) platform is meant to carry follow-through on minerals, processing, logistics, and services. It complements state-to-state commitments by putting contract-ready work streams and policy dialogue in the same frame. Verification is simple: match U.S. and host-government readouts with company filings and ministry communiqués issued after the summit. Subsequent notices should specify instruments, values, financing, timelines, and the units responsible.

What Was Signed Versus What Was Signaled

The summit mixed firm orders with preliminary commitments. Uzbekistan Airways converted eight options for the Boeing 787-9 (covered by FAA Type Certificate Data Sheet T00021SE) into a firm order, bringing its total to twenty-two Dreamliners. That flows into the manufacturer’s backlog and starts financing and ground-side preparation. Tajikistan’s Somon Air announced up to four 787-9s and ten 737 MAX; that signals intent, with binding contracts and financing to follow. Engine families for the 787-9 are Rolls-Royce Trent 1000 TEN and GE Genx-1B, setting maintenance and training paths. Air Astana said it had selected up to fifteen 787-9s. Slot allocation and financing are next, along with sale-and-leaseback or operating-lease decisions.

A parallel commercial package aimed to show that U.S.–Central Asia ties can move on a near-term clock, framed publicly through the Department of Commerce’s announced “C5+1 Deal Zone,” earmarked at “over $25 billion.” Rare earths and related inputs sat at the center of the talks. Aviation and other signings were presented as tangible outcomes. The substance rests with the underlying company agreements and national approvals, although the packaging usefully aggregates a single narrative for public consumption.

Minerals were cast as the strategic core, even though many projects remain in the early stages. Public readouts emphasized supply-chain resilience and competition with China and Russia. For shipments into the European Union, the bottleneck remains the processing limits set by the EU Critical Raw Materials Act. Customs classification uses the Harmonized System (HS), a universal tariff code maintained by the World Customs Organization (WCO): tungsten falls under HS 8101, while rare-earth metals and their compounds are under HS 2805 and HS 2846. Bankability likewise depends on recognized industry disclosure rules for reporting mineral resources, which require standardized geology, sampling, and reserve estimates before serious financing proceeds. Wire services likewise underscored rare earths and closer cooperation along the value chain.

Country Outcomes

Kazakhstan. The most tangible non-aviation item was a tungsten venture at Northern Katpar and Upper Kairakty, with an indicated project scope of around $1.1 billion. A Letter of Interest (LOI) from the U.S. Export–Import Bank (EXIM) suggests a figure near $900 million on a 70/30 structure with the state company Tau-Ken Samruk. An EXIM LOI is indicative and non-binding; it enables execution of due diligence and agreement on preliminary terms of reference. On aviation, Air Astana’s 787-9 selection sets the stage for a binding order and expanded long-haul range from Almaty and Astana. Media placed total agreements above $17 billion across all sectors combined.

Uzbekistan and Tajikistan. Tashkent’s new 787-9 firm order positions the carrier for broader intercontinental service once delivery and financing schedules are set. Wide-body induction will require ETOPS (Extended Operations) 180 procedures, dispatcher training, and simulator time. Uzbekistan also publicized agreements on rare earths with Denali Exploration Group and ReElement Technologies, plus an industrial pact with Flowserve on pumping stations. Credit support features in the road map, with EXIM meetings linking aircraft finance to other projects. Somon Air’s plan—up to four 787-9s and ten 737 MAX—would add its first wide-bodies and demands training, maintenance, and airport readiness before long-haul services.

Kyrgyzstan and Turkmenistan. Bishkek emphasized hydropower upgrades, transport, and IT development. These fit the country’s energy mix and grid goals, though new financing tools were not unveiled in Washington. Pre-summit reporting on the Kambar-Ata-1 (1,860 MW) project illustrates the scale of hydro financing under consideration by European partners. The project hints at the likely multi-lender packages with export credit and international financial institution participation. Turkmenistan, for its part, confirmed presidential participation; however, no new bilateral instruments were published around the event.

Financing, Rules, and Execution

Early financing signals and front-end preparation move airlines and mining sponsors from headlines to funded work. An EXIM LOI can make long-term debt feasible and let buyers shift to preliminary term sheets and diligence. The U.S. Development Finance Corporation (DFC) can fund feasibility and front-end studies, from metallurgical flow-sheets in mining to Level-D simulators in aviation. All this will embed new rule-sets and standard procedures in the region.

The Commercial Law Development Program is a U.S. Department of Commerce initiative that helps partner governments improve commercial laws and procurement so projects can be bid once and disputes contained. In practice, many contracts use materials from the FIDIC, a nonprofit group that publishes simple, standard contract templates for construction projects worldwide. Sanctions and export controls—for example, from the U.S. Export Administration Regulations—then govern parts, inputs, payments, and licenses channeling how components move and how payments clear.

Logistics will also decide whether the agreements are implemented. Middle Corridor frictions include port handling, vessel scheduling on the Caspian, and rail interoperability. Broader use of the CIM/SMGS electronic rail consignment note, which is a single digital waybill accepted across Europe and Central Asia, and more regular roll-on/roll-off ferry schedules on the Caspian would ease near-term bottlenecks. The EBRD and the EU’s Trans-European Transport Network adds customs coordination and digital documentation to the to-do list. To retain more value, embed minerals processing and aviation training and maintenance capacity in project finance from the start, not as add-ons.

Connecting Networks, Expanding Options

The summit points away from geopolitical bloc alignments and toward a multiplex Central Asian order of overlapping rule systems and multiple pathways for cooperation. Energy standards, aviation certification, export credit, sanctions compliance, customs, and data regimes operate as partially independent networks. Influence will accrue to actors who braid these networks on concrete projects and keep sequencing coherent.

Standards and finance are the main levers here: specifications determine what can be bought and maintained, while credit decides who can buy and when. Pairing more than one credible source of credit with more than one standards path strengthens the working network that interlinks Central Asian governments, firms, lenders, and corridor operators. Their practical task is to build parallel channels that are usable in real time.

Taken together, the week’s actions aim to shift Central Asia’s external ties from reliance on a single rule bundle toward managed interdependence. Small-group formats can convert one-off deals into routines while standardizing procurement procedures and regularizing dispute resolution.

When such nodes interconnect across corridors, they add redundancy to midstream minerals processing. New supply-chain corridors alone do not suffice. Interoperable paperwork, predictable customs, and cross-recognized certifications are required; otherwise, flows will revert to the inherited legacy routes. The Washington summit matters insofar as it begins to institutionalize those options, widening the geo-economic room for maneuver by the five Central Asian states.

Uzbek Restaurant in Nashville Recommended by Michelin Guide

It may not have yet earned a coveted star, but a small Uzbek restaurant in Nashville, Tennessee has impressed reviewers from Michelin. This month Uzbegim, on the city’s 28th Avenue North, was named on the Nashville Bib Gourmand list, which is composed by Michelin’s Guide.

In its own words, a place on the Bib Gourmand list “acknowledges excellent food at more affordable prices”. The Central Asian diner, whose dishes are halal, appears alongside much bigger and more established spots.

The accolade is a reward for the superb traditional Uzbek food offered by owner Ulugbek Fayziev, who opened his restaurant in the east of Nashville in late 2023. Uzbegim is located at the back of a pizzeria, which is owned by different Uzbeks who let Fayziev use their space.

Michelin’s Guide mentions that Uzbegim “promises something different, specializing in authentic Uzbek cuisine in a space with a stunning patio. Originating in Islamic China and traveling across to the Middle East, this is a cuisine that features some of the usual suspects (think kebabs) as well as standouts like Uyghur-style, hand-cut noodles.”

Nashville local Mark Reese is a fan of the restaurant. “Uzbegim has what I call Central Asian comfort food,” he tells The Times of Central Asia. “It serves chaikhona [cafe-style] plov with tender lamb, rice, raisins and carrots. Shashlik [kebab] with onions and vinegar. ‘Kazan kabob’ is a highlight with chunks of tender meat and potatoes cooked perfectly, fork tender. My favorite is the Uyghur laghmon [noodles], both boiled and fried. The noodles were freshly prepared with just enough spicy broth, meat and bell peppers to offset the noodles.”

Reese is well acquainted with Uzbek cuisine: he has worked in Central Asia’s education and cultural spheres for 30 years, and was awarded Uzbekistan’s Order of Do’stlik for his English translation of Abdulla Qodiriy’s historical novel O’tkan Kunlar (Bygone Days).

He explains to The Times of Central Asia: “Nashville is relatively new as an emerging place for Uzbeks and other Central Asians to live. Vanderbilt University is home to quite a few Uzbek students.”

Noting some links between this part of the southern United States and Uzbekistan, Reese adds: “Uzbeks have lived in Tennessee for decades, especially Memphis. Uzbeks are naturally attracted to an emerging city that has slowly become internationalized. Especially the Umarov family engage in philanthropic activities, including cancer research for children’s hospitals.”

Nashville’s Uzbek diaspora may have discovered Uzbegim first, but since Michelin’s review, new American customers are sure to wander in, to taste Central Asian comfort food for themselves.

Paul Kapur: “The United States’ Commitment to Central Asia Is Strong and Enduring”

WASHINGTON (TCA) — Assistant Secretary of State for South and Central Asian Affairs Paul Kapur reaffirmed Washington’s long-term commitment to Central Asia during remarks marking the 10th anniversary of the C5+1 partnership at the Kennedy Center hosted by the United States Department of State on November 6.

Addressing an audience of officials, diplomats, and business leaders, Kapur said he was “honored to join an esteemed group” for the occasion. “I recently started my tenure as Assistant Secretary, and I’m particularly glad that I started as we celebrate the decade of C5+1 partnership,” he noted.

Kapur, who oversees U.S. policy toward the region and serves as Secretary Marco Rubio’s chief advisor on Central Asia, is a veteran academic who has taught at the Naval Postgraduate School and Claremont McKenna College, and previously served on the State Department’s Policy Planning Staff during the first Trump administration.

He opened his remarks by thanking the Kennedy Center and Ambassador Rick Vernell for hosting the event, as well as Special Envoy and Ambassador Sir Jim Gore and Deputy Secretary of State Chris Landau “for everything that they did, which included lots of diplomacy, many days and hours on the road.” He also recognized Senator Steve Daines “who’s done so much to support and promote ties” between Central Asia and the United States, and expressed appreciation to Central Asian delegations who “traveled a long way to be here.”

“As we mark this anniversary, I want to reiterate that the United States is committed to this region, and that commitment is strong and enduring,” Kapur said. “Under President Trump’s and Secretary Rubio’s leadership, we’re elevating the C5+1 partnership as a priority — a strategic priority and an economic priority.”

He said the partnership is already producing results in trade, investment, and innovation. “We’re making tangible progress toward increased trade and investment in areas ranging from aviation to cybersecurity to agriculture, and we’re ensuring a secure energy future for each of our countries,” he said.

Kapur emphasized that economic ties are only part of the picture. “As we advance prosperity, we also promote peace,” he stated. “The United States remains committed to supporting each C5 country’s independence, sovereignty, and territorial integrity, protecting borders and strengthening security cooperation, both bilaterally and through the C5+1.”

Reflecting on the partnership’s first decade, Kapur cited initiatives such as the C5+1 Critical Minerals Dialogue, the B5+1 Business Dialogue, training networks for regional law enforcement and border security, and English-language programs for young professionals. He also highlighted efforts to protect the region’s cultural heritage through historical preservation and law enforcement cooperation to combat antiquities trafficking. “Although we’re celebrating the future today, it’s important to remember that our new initiatives are built on a deep foundation of cooperation over the past decade,” he said. “As we elevate and modernize our collective efforts, C5+1 countries and the United States are increasingly prepared to deliver innovative regional solutions to our most pressing global problems.”

He concluded with a personal message to Central Asian partners. “To my Central Asian friends, I have not been to Central Asia. I look forward to joining you there,” he said. “I’ve received many invitations. I really look forward to that and experiencing firsthand the beauty and the hospitality of your countries.”

“Thank you again for your important role in today’s events,” Kapur said in closing.

 

 

 

Sen. Daines: Central Asia Key to U.S. Strategic and Economic Future

Washington, D.C., November 6, 2025 — At the 10th-anniversary forum of the C5+1 platform — which brings together the United States and the five Central Asian nations (Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan) — ministers from the C5 countries and leading business figures from the region and the United States gathered to mark a decade of cooperation. The event was co-hosted by the U.S. Department of State and the U.S. Department of Commerce, underscoring Washington’s growing focus on regional economic and strategic engagement.

U.S. officials played key roles throughout the program. Senator Steve Daines chaired a high-level panel discussion alongside Sergio Gor, U.S. Special Envoy for South and Central Asian Affairs; S. Paul Kapur, Assistant Secretary of State for South and Central Asian Affairs; Howard Lutnick, Secretary of Commerce; Christopher Landau, Deputy Secretary of State; William Nitt, Under Secretary of Commerce; and Richard Grenell, Special Presidential Envoy.

During the forum’s investment-focused “Deal Zone,” Daines underscored what he described as Central Asia’s growing role in U.S. foreign policy, energy security, and technology supply chains — calling the region “one of the world’s great opportunities for the future.” His remarks reflected both optimism and a sense of urgency about expanding ties. “There are few parts of the world that offer the opportunity that Central Asia does,” he said. “Closer ties between our nations can bring greater economic opportunity to millions of people and secure some of the West’s most vulnerable supply chains.”

According to Daines, the United States has already made significant progress through initiatives such as the C5+1 platform, the appointment of a Special Envoy for Central Asia, and the Critical Minerals Dialogue, alongside expanded trade missions and commercial partnerships. Together, he said, these efforts “provide the necessary forums through which the United States and Central Asia can build the capacity and trust necessary for long-term cooperation.”

The tenth anniversary also served as a platform for outlining the economic and strategic priorities that will define the next phase of U.S.–Central Asia engagement.

Central Asia’s Resource Potential

Daines highlighted what he described as the region’s abundant resources — saying the five Central Asian nations “represent over 31 billion barrels of oil reserves, 250 trillion cubic feet of gas reserves, and over 40 percent of global uranium production.”

“As we look to a new day for Europe, one wherein the continent is not dependent on a bellicose adversary for energy supplies,” he said, “Central Asian nations can be the partners of the future — providing consistent flows of resources necessary for baseload power without the concern that those energy imports will be weaponized.”

He added that, even years after Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, the U.S. continues to import uranium from Russia, which he called a practice with “profound national security implications.” Central Asia, by contrast, “could provide a more reliable source of the element necessary to the development of artificial intelligence, data-centers, and other energy-intensive industries.”

Critical Minerals and the Tech Economy

Daines also emphasized the region’s strategic role in the global technology supply chain. “In addition to energy resources,” he said, “Central Asia holds impressive deposits of almost every critical mineral necessary for technological innovation. From antimony, gold, cobalt, copper, lithium, aluminum, and zinc, to one of the world’s largest rare-earth deposits, the region contains enough primary building-blocks for advanced technology to offset many of the United States’ current supply-chain vulnerabilities and ensure our technological development is free of foreign coercion.”

Connectivity and Trade Routes

Daines noted recent diplomatic progress in the South Caucasus, observing that following the peace deal between Azerbaijan and Armenia, the long-envisioned “Middle Corridor” — a trade route connecting Central Asia with Western markets — is more feasible. He described that development as part of the larger opportunity for investment and connectivity.

Bipartisan Commitment and U.S. Leadership

He highlighted bipartisan cooperation in Washington on Central Asia policy, noting that the Senate unanimously passed his resolution commemorating the C5+1’s 10th anniversary.

Daines also cited his work with Democratic colleagues, including Chris Murphy, to repeal outdated trade restrictions (such as those rooted in the Jackson‑Vanik Amendment). “It is long past time we relegate these outdated restrictions to the ash-heap of history and bring our relationships into the 21st century,” he asserted.

A Foundation of Trust

Contrasting U.S. engagement with that of other powers, Daines said America’s greatest advantage abroad is credibility. “Other nations offer attractive investment to Central Asia but are missing the cornerstone of U.S. investment,” he said. “The United States’ most valuable asset is trust. … As Secretary Colin Powell once noted, in all the wars it has fought, the only land the United States has ever asked for is land to bury our dead.”

Looking Ahead

Daines concluded that the United States’ “pivot toward the region is well underway,” and that future cooperation will be centered on technology, artificial intelligence, the digital economy, and bilateral investment. He praised the “Deal Zone” and the workshops organised by the U.S. International Development Finance Corporation (DFC) alongside the governments of the five Central Asian states.

“This year’s tenth iteration of the C5+1 will hopefully facilitate further joint-development of natural resources, increased foreign direct investment, and greater high-level contact between our countries,” he said. “A region submerged between Russia, China, and Iran has chosen to forge an independent path dominated by none of their neighbors but instead defined by regional consensus and multilateral diplomacy.”

Senator Daines’ prepared remarks are posted on his Senate website.