• KGS/USD = 0.01146 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00193 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10153 0.2%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01146 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00193 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10153 0.2%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01146 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00193 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10153 0.2%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01146 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00193 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10153 0.2%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01146 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00193 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10153 0.2%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01146 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00193 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10153 0.2%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01146 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00193 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10153 0.2%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01146 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00193 0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10153 0.2%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0%
3 June 2025

President Tokayev: Kazakhstan Charts Its Own Course

Image: TCA, Aleksandr Potolitsyn

In a rare, candid interview with Al Jazeera, President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev of Kazakhstan projected a steady, pragmatic vision for his country’s future, portraying it as a stabilizing force amid turbulent global currents. Tokayev explained how his government is navigating complex pressures at home and abroad, from economic modernization and digital transformation to balancing ties with Russia, China, Europe, and the United States. The message was one of controlled ambition: Kazakhstan will not be rushed, but rather steer a measured course of reform and integration, balancing domestic stability with global engagement.

Tokayev opened the interview by acknowledging the obstacles facing Kazakhstan’s domestic reforms, notably the global pandemic and the war in Ukraine. These external shocks, he explained, have tested the country’s resilience and delayed the delivery of the “New Kazakhstan” that he promised three years ago. Yet he remained firm in his commitment to a gradual but determined path forward. “We must be frank, we must be pragmatic, but at the same time we need to be very much bold,” he said.

Domestically, Tokayev defended his record on political reform, including the legalization of opposition parties and the introduction of a one-term presidency of seven years. “I have already announced that I will step down” in 2029, he said, adding that this was “a demand of my people.” This latter move is unprecedented in the region.

Tokayev characterized Kazakhstan’s laws as “quite democratic,” dismissing criticisms from organizations like the Organisation for Security and Co-operation in Europe and Human Rights Watch as biased and detached from the country’s political and historical context. “I don’t believe that we should follow recommendations of human rights organizations nowadays,” he said, also mentioning foreign funders behind certain NGOs, which he left unnamed.

Acknowledging the need for further reforms, particularly in media freedom and civil liberties, Tokayev made clear that stability remains the overriding priority. “Without stability, there will be no reforms, no modernization, no transformation of our society,” he said. Tokayev emphasized Kazakhstan’s commitment to a “law and order” strategy to promote greater stability, where the laws fully comply with international standards.

Tokayev’s remarks on measured progress typify his leadership style, which admits the complexity of transformation while setting pragmatic goals. His program of a “fair and just Kazakhstan” reflects his awareness of domestic discontent with wealth disparities that simmer beneath the surface of economic expansion.

The country’s economy remains dominated by hydrocarbon fuels, which account for over half of exports. Tokayev’s vision of transforming Kazakhstan into a “non-hydrocarbon country” by 2060 strikes a pragmatic note. “Coal in our domestic energy balance accounts for 73%. We cannot give up coal just overnight,” he said, signaling both realism and the limits of immediate energy transition. The diversification of transport routes — including the Trans-Caspian International Transport Route (the Middle Corridor) and the Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan pipeline — aligns with his goal of mitigating overdependence on Russia and ensuring economic security amid global uncertainty.

Tokayev’s foreign policy strikes a careful balance between continuity and adaptation. While acknowledging Kazakhstan’s reliance on the Caspian Pipeline Consortium (CPC) through southern Russia for 80% of its oil exports, he framed this dependence as both strategic and pragmatic. Kazakhstan, he stressed, counts Russia as an immediate neighbor and a strategic partner. However, he did not rule out diversifying transport options, mentioning trans-Caspian routes through Azerbaijan and the Middle Corridor as potential alternatives to the CPC. “We count on Russia as our strategic partner,” he explained, “but it doesn’t mean that we are focusing only on one transportation route.”

Tokayev’s broader international vision reflects his reading of global dynamics. In this context, he voiced concern over the weakening of multilateralism. Kazakhstan, by contrast, was a “pillar of stability and security in Eurasia.” He described the UN Security Council as “in deadlock,” warned that the erosion of cooperative mechanisms is a “big threat to the world,” and called for middle powers to step up as guardians of peace and reformers of the multilateral system. His pragmatic skepticism about BRICS — which lacks “fixed structures … no charter, no secretariat, no programs” — suggests a balanced engagement with emerging multilateral groups vis-à-vis established relationships with Europe, China, and the United States.

Trade remains a cornerstone of Kazakhstan’s foreign relationships. The European Union heads the list of Kazakhstan’s trading partners with $50 billion in trade, followed by China at $45 billion, and Russia at $27 billion. Despite Kazakhstan’s modest $4 billion trade volume with the United States, Tokayev emphasized its strategic nature, pointing to key exports such as uranium, oil, and chrome. Recent U.S. tariffs on Kazakh exports, he said, are being addressed pragmatically. A desire to diversify economic ties is evident in his continuing focus on attracting U.S. investment.

Tokayev’s nuanced approach to anti-corruption efforts was likewise pragmatic. While acknowledging past embezzlements and mentioning ongoing investigations, he resisted calls for sweeping crackdowns that might risk destabilizing the political landscape, asserting that change must be balanced against the imperative of social cohesion. “I’m not going to make a mess here in Kazakhstan because it would lead to the destabilization of the situation in my country,” he stated, pointing to Kazakhstan’s careful handling of Nazarbayev-era institutions.

When asked about the pace of economic reform and its social impact, Tokayev expressed confidence in targeted initiatives, despite the constraints of external shocks and various natural impediments. He pointed to a focus on infrastructure, digitalization, agriculture, and transport to drive growth in the coming years. Tokayev’s vision of Kazakhstan’s future rests on technological advancement, a steady transition away from hydrocarbons, and measured social reform aimed at creating a “fair Kazakhstan.” The Al Jazeera interview sketches the portrait of a leader who combines caution with ambition, and realism with idealism.

Such a balancing act perhaps mirrors Kazakhstan’s position at the crossroads of Eurasia, but his message was clear: Kazakhstan will chart its course with pragmatism, patience, and an uncompromising commitment to stability. The interview also gave Tokayev the chance to express his personal philosophy of leadership, which he grounds in modesty and responsibility. Reaffirming his commitment to step down in 2029, he indicated his clear commitment to institutional governance over personalized rule or a divine mandate: “The president of any country — first of all, my country — is a state manager,” Tokayev said. “He’s not a messenger of God.”

Dr. Robert M. Cutler

Dr. Robert M. Cutler

Robert M. Cutler has written and consulted on Central Asian affairs for over 30 years at all levels. He was a founding member of the Central Eurasian Studies Society’s executive board and founding editor of its Perspectives publication. He has written for Asia Times, Foreign Policy Magazine, The National Interest, Euractiv, Radio Free Europe, National Post (Toronto), FSU Oil & Gas Monitor, and many other outlets.

He directs the NATO Association of Canada’s Energy Security Program, where he is also senior fellow, and is a practitioner member at the University of Waterloo’s Institute for Complexity and Innovation. Educated at MIT, the Graduate Institute of International Studies (Geneva), and the University of Michigan, he was for many years a senior researcher at Carleton University’s Institute of European, Russian, and Eurasian Studies, and is past chairman of the Montreal Press Club’s Board of Directors.

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