Information Sovereignty? Central Asia Tightens Control Over Its Information Space
Across the post-Soviet space, governments are adopting new measures that affect the scope of free expression. Similar trends are visible in Central Asia, the Caucasus, and parts of Eastern Europe, reflecting wider global shifts in how states manage their information environments. In Central Asia, where journalism has long faced political constraints, recent policies indicate a renewed emphasis on controlling the flow of information.
From Georgia to Kazakhstan: Pushback Against Foreign Narratives
Recent events in Georgia highlight these changes.
The adoption of a controversial “foreign agents” law, widely described as a Russian-style or “pro-Russian” measure, reflected the ruling party’s growing hostility to foreign-funded media and NGOs, many backed by European donors, and triggered mass pro-EU protests in Tbilisi. Similar dynamics are emerging in Central Asia, where officials increasingly view foreign narratives as interference in domestic affairs.
In Kazakhstan, legislative restrictions on so-called “LGBT propaganda” have sparked both domestic protests and criticism from international partners. At the same time, well-known media figure Gulnar Bazhkenova, editor-in-chief of Orda.kz, has been placed under house arrest, an episode that underscores the tightening environment for journalists.
The Bazhkenova Case: A Turning Point for Kazakh Media
Bazhkenova, a prominent editor known for critical coverage of Kazakhstan’s political elite and security services, came under scrutiny after Orda.kz falsely reported the arrest of Foreign Minister Murat Nurtleu, an unverified claim that was quickly debunked. Although Nurtleu remained in his position immediately afterward, he was dismissed later in September, prompting speculation that the incident had political consequences.
Soon after his departure, law enforcement launched an investigation into Bazhkenova. On December 1, Almaty police searched her residence and the offices of Orda.kz. Authorities stated that a 2024 article had disseminated false information regarding a law enforcement officer allegedly caught accepting a bribe, an incident that officials assert never occurred. Another article reportedly misrepresented details in a property dispute, allegedly damaging the business reputation of the involved party.
The Almaty police have since opened additional investigations into past publications from Orda.kz that may contain misleading content.
Media organizations have largely responded with condemnation, urging the authorities to decriminalize the dissemination of false information and instead treat such cases under civil law. However, the Union of Journalists of Kazakhstan issued a pointed statement calling on media professionals to “treat the preparation and dissemination of information responsibly. Individual cases for the dissemination of inaccurate information cast a shadow on the entire journalistic community of our country,” the organization said. An implicit acknowledgment, perhaps, that Bazhkenova’s actions may have crossed legal or ethical boundaries.
Parallel Cases and Regional Patterns
While suppression of the media in Tajikistan and Turkmenistan has long been widespread, Kyrgyzstan – long considered the most politically open country in Central Asia – has also moved to tighten control over its information space. In early 2024, authorities introduced a controversial “foreign representatives” law requiring NGOs and media outlets receiving international funding to register under a special status, echoing legislation seen in Russia and Georgia. Independent outlets such as Kloop, Temirov Live, and Azattyk (RFE/RL’s Kyrgyz service) have faced lawsuits, blocked websites, or forced suspension of activities under charges ranging from extremism to spreading false information. Journalists and media advocates warn that these measures, combined with new restrictions on “false” online content, represent a significant rollback of Kyrgyzstan’s traditionally pluralistic media environment and signal the government’s growing interest in asserting information sovereignty.
Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan have also recently come under scrutiny for what some view as selective crackdowns tied to geopolitical alignments. This autumn, both countries detained bloggers seen as sympathetic to Russia’s geopolitical narrative. In Kazakhstan, blogger Aslan Tolegenov, known online as “Northern_Kazakh”, was convicted in November for inciting interethnic hatred, receiving a sentence of three years and nine months. Tolegenov was known for videos expressing pro-Russian views on the war in Ukraine and presenting himself as defending Russian speakers against what he called “Russophobia” in Kazakhstan.
In Uzbekistan, blogger Aziz Khakimov, known as “Comrade_Aziz,” was first fined in August for spreading false information about a university rector. A month later, prosecutors added charges including incitement of interethnic hatred, defamation, and war propaganda. The investigation was initiated after journalist Nikita Makarenko accused Khakimov of slander in a video. If convicted, Khakimov faces up to 10 years in prison.
A Region Redrawing Its Media Boundaries
Russian media outlets supportive of the so-called “Russian World” ideology have decried these arrests as betrayals by supposed allies. Yet, the broader trend suggests that regional governments are increasingly prioritizing what they view as information sovereignty. Whether targeting liberal media outlets, pro-Russian influencers, or independent journalists, the common thread is a concerted effort to control narratives within their borders.
From Kazakhstan to Uzbekistan, these actions reflect a growing consensus among Central Asian elites: foreign narratives, whether from Russia, the West, or elsewhere, are increasingly seen not as pluralism but as threats to national unity.
