Uzbekistan Opinions - The Times Of Central Asia

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Regional Integration

Opinion: Central Asia Is Consolidating Its Role as a Full-Fledged Actor in Global Processes

The seventh Consultative Meeting of the Heads of State of Central Asia, held in Tashkent, was far more than a routine regional gathering. It marked a pivotal moment with the potential to shape the political and economic architecture of the region for the next decade or two. President Shavkat Mirziyoyev’s keynote address stood out for articulating a forward-looking and comprehensive strategic vision. Notably, he proposed redefining the format itself from a loose “consultative mechanism” into a more cohesive and institutionalized “Central Asian Community.” At the summit, leaders endorsed several landmark documents: the Concept for Regional Security and Stability in Central Asia, the Catalogue of Threats to Central Asia’s Security and measures for their prevention for 2026-2028 and its implementation plan, a joint appeal supporting the Kyrgyz Republic’s candidacy for the UN Security Council, and the decision to admit Azerbaijan as a full-fledged participant. Taken together, these steps signal that Central Asia increasingly sees itself not as a passive bystander amid global geopolitical turbulence, but as an emerging regional actor capable of shaping its own trajectory. Two broader trends deserve special emphasis. First, the region is moving beyond reactive engagement with external initiatives and power blocs. Rather than relying solely on structures created by outside actors, Central Asia is beginning to develop its own institutions. This shift mirrors a global pattern: as the international order becomes more fragmented and unpredictable, regional communities are strengthening their internal mechanisms as a means of resilience. Second, the format envisioned in Tashkent diverges from “Brussels-style integration.” It does not require the transfer or dilution of sovereignty. Instead, it relies on soft integration, consultation, consensus-building, and phased convergence. As President Mirziyoyev noted, having a shared and realistic sense of “what we want our region to look like in 10-20 years” is essential. Without such a vision, Central Asia risks remaining the object of great-power competition rather than an autonomous participant in it. One of the summit’s most consequential developments was the decision to welcome Azerbaijan as a full-fledged member of the format. The emerging political and economic bridge between Central Asia and the South Caucasus is quickly becoming not only a transit nexus but also a cornerstone of a broader geopolitical space. The strengthening of Trans-Caspian corridors, the advancement of the “China – Kyrgyzstan – Uzbekistan” railway, the Trans-Afghan corridor, and the alignment of Caspian Sea transport routes will significantly expand the region’s strategic and economic potential. A further nuance is worth highlighting: Azerbaijan’s long-standing ties with the Western political and security architecture, through NATO partnership mechanisms and energy corridors, as well as its membership in the Organization of Turkic States, introduce new layers of connectivity. Its inclusion repositions the “Central Asian Community” from a post-Soviet platform into a wider geopolitical constellation spanning Eurasia, the South Caucasus, and the Middle East. For Central Asian states, this new configuration opens additional room for multi-vector diplomacy and reduces the risks of unilateral dependence. The views expressed in this article are those of the author and do not...

Regional Integration

Opinion: The Integration of Afghanistan into Central Asia

Shared rivers and joint water management can shape a new regional partnership Central Asia and Afghanistan sit on the same rivers, yet often behave as if they belong to different regions. Water ties them together more firmly than any border, but the politics of the past have kept Afghanistan outside the regional system. Today, as climate pressures intensify and development accelerates on both sides of the Amu Darya, the case for integrating Afghanistan into Central Asia has never been stronger. And the path to that integration begins with water. The debate around the Qosh Tepa Canal makes this evident. Afghanistan was never part of the agreements that govern the Amu Darya River (Protocol 566 of the Soviet Union and the Almaty 1992 agreement). It did not sign allocation protocols and never joined regional basin institutions. Still, it was expected to follow rules it had no hand in shaping. Now, that old arrangement has reached its limit. The canal will bring new agriculture to the north of Afghanistan, but downstream states depend on the same river. The real question is not whether Afghanistan should develop, but how to shape that development jointly so the river can sustain all sides. Central Asia already has cooperative models that Afghanistan could join. Uzbekistan and Tajikistan have shown how two neighbors can jointly manage a transboundary river through their collaboration in hydropower on the Zarafshan. Kyrgyzstan, Uzbekistan, and Kazakhstan have signed a similar mechanism with the KambarAta-1 project, which will generate energy and regulate seasonal flows for downstream agriculture. These experiences show that once countries share responsibility for a river, trust can grow and benefits expand. Afghanistan can become part of this regional architecture. The 161-meter-high planned dam on the Kokcha River, set to generate 445 megawatts of electricity, offers a clear entry point. A jointly governed dam on this river would give Afghanistan energy, while downstream states would benefit from its flow in terms of agriculture. When operations are transparent and agreed upon, water becomes a field of cooperation rather than tension. Energy trade adds another layer of opportunity. Central Asia has a long record of exchanging electricity and gas in return for upstream releases. Uzbekistan and Kazakhstan have done this with Kyrgyzstan for many years through a joint water and energy agreement. The same model can work with Afghanistan. The country needs power, and it can offer coordinated water management in return. A structured energy for water arrangement would give Afghanistan an incentive to cooperate and offer Central Asia predictability. Agriculture is another arena where cooperation promises immediate gains. Uzbekistan’s policies on water-saving technologies offer a strong example. They subsidize drip, sprinkler systems, canal improvement, land levelling, efficient pumps, and even solar-powered irrigation. These investments reduce water losses while increasing yields only if their rebound effect, such as further expansion of agriculture, is controlled. The same approach could be applied in the northern provinces of Afghanistan, including in the area under the Qosh Tepa Canal. With similar financial support and technical guidance, Afghan...

U.S.-Central Asia Summit

Opinion: A Trump Visit to Central Asia Would Deliver Results and Anchor a Corridor Strategy

On November 6, Washington will host the C5+1 leaders’ summit, marking the format’s 10th anniversary and signaling a rare alignment of political attention and regional appetite for concrete outcomes. The date is confirmed by regional and U.S.-focused reporting, with Kazakhstan’s presidency and multiple outlets noting heads-of-state attendance in the U.S. capital. This timing is decisive. Russia’s bandwidth is constrained by the war in Ukraine, China’s trade weight in Central Asia has grown, and European demand for secure inputs and routes has intensified. All these developments together create a window where a visible United States presence can meaningfully alter the deal flow. A visit sequenced off the November C5+1 will attach U.S. political attention to minerals, corridors, and standards that regional governments already prioritize, confirming the conversion of the summit's symbolism into leverage. Washington already has the instruments but has lacked a synchronized presence. Development finance, export credit, and C5+1 working groups exist, yet announcements have too often outpaced commissioning. A targeted tour could unveil named offtakes, corridor slot guarantees, and training compacts. This would move from the dialogue to bankable packages if paired with financing envelopes, posted schedules, and third-party verification. Deals, dates, and delivery would make operational signals clear to partners and competitors alike. Strategic Rationale and Operating Concept The United States has three clear goals. These are to diversify critical minerals away from single-point dependency on China, de-risk trans-Eurasian routes that connect Asian manufacturing to European demand, and reinforce the sovereignty of the states in the region without pressuring them to choose sides in great-power competition over other issues. These imperatives already guide the national-security strategies of Central Asian governments, which implement them according to multi-vector doctrines. A presidential visit that treats minerals, corridors, and standards as a single package would show that Washington is prepared to move forward on the same problem set that the region has defined for itself. The ways to do that are through finance-first diplomacy and an end-to-end corridor approach, including the Caspian crossing. Finance-first diplomacy pairs every political announcement with insurance, offtake letters, and term sheets (short non-binding summaries of key commercial and legal terms for a proposed deal). These signal the intention to convert declarations into commissioning. An end-to-end corridor approach accepts the physical reality that Central Asian outputs move west through Central Asia, across the Caspian Sea, and across the South Caucasus, with Azerbaijan functioning as the hinge that makes Europe reachable at scale. Each element of the “minerals–corridors–standards” triad reinforces the others when the whole is pursued as a single program. Reliable customs and traceability raise corridor credibility, which raises project bankability, which in turn attracts the private capital required for mineral processing. The instrumentalities for this already exist. The C5+1 framework can be tasked to track deliverables; the Development Finance Corporation (DFC) and the Export-Import Bank (EXIM) can cover risk and long-term debt; aid and technical programs of the Department of State and Commerce can align standards, procurement integrity, and traceable supply chains; U.S. universities and labs can...

Tourism

Insider’s View: Cooperation Between Uzbekistan and the United States in Tourism

In recent years, relations between the Republic of Uzbekistan and the United States of America in the field of tourism have reached a qualitatively new level. The foundation of this cooperation lies in the systematic efforts of the Tourism Committee to implement the provisions of the “Road Maps” aimed at strengthening bilateral ties, expanding tourism exchanges, and attracting American investment into the sector. The period of 2018–2019 became a turning point in enhancing the tourism dialogue between the two countries. Uzbekistan welcomed experts from the International Association of Tourism Professionals, led by H. Luis Lorenzo Gutierrez, representatives of “PBS” and “ABC” television channels, as well as a delegation from the Congress of Bukharian Jews of the USA and Canada. During the same period, the Tourism Committee organized a series of visits by well-known American bloggers Mark Wiens and Sonny Side, thanks to which millions of viewers around the world were introduced to Uzbekistan’s gastronomic and cultural richness. An important step was the introduction of American online booking services — Booking.com, Expedia, Hotels.com, and Tripadvisor. By the end of 2018, 886 hotels across the country had been connected to these platforms, significantly improving Uzbekistan’s accessibility for American travelers. Since 2019, special attention has been paid to promoting Uzbekistan’s tourism potential through U.S. media and digital platforms. Within the framework of the “World Influencers Congress 2019” forum, more than 20 leading American bloggers arrived in Tashkent, including the “Devin Super Tramp” team, which filmed a short movie titled “Aladdin” in Bukhara and Khiva. These projects not only enhanced Uzbekistan’s visibility on global social media but also helped build its image as a safe and welcoming destination. Cooperation in professional training also developed in parallel. Edward Castley, Vice President of the American Hotel & Lodging Association (AHLA), conducted master classes for university and college instructors, sharing U.S. best practices in training tourism industry professionals. During the COVID-19 pandemic in 2020, an online conference was held with the assistance of the Embassy of Uzbekistan in Washington, D.C., bringing together leading American travel companies — ASTA, Intrepid Travel, G Adventures, and others. The participants discussed measures to restore tourist flows and improve traveler safety. In subsequent years, American media outlets such as The New York Times, National Geographic, and Foreign Policy became increasingly active in covering the country’s tourism potential. Joint media collaborations, including Mystery Box’s 2021 production and CNN’s 2023 documentary The Spirit of Samarkand, have been instrumental in highlighting the cultural heritage and contemporary life of Uzbekistan’s historic cities. In recent years, Uzbekistan–U.S. cooperation in tourism has acquired strategic importance. In 2024, Chairman of the Tourism Committee Umid Shadiev met with U.S. Ambassador Jonathan Henick to discuss prospects for developing green tourism and workforce training. The participation of the Uzbek delegation in prestigious exhibitions — Miami World Travel Expo 2024 and New York Travel and Adventure Show 2025 — opened new opportunities for promoting the country’s tourism brand. Notably, Uzbekistan was recognized as the “Best New Exhibitor” at the New York event. The...

Gabala 2025

Opinion: The Twelfth Summit of the Organization of Turkic States – A Turning Point for Regional Peace and Integration

The Twelfth Summit of the Organization of Turkic States (OTS) was held on October 6–7, 2025, in Gabala, Azerbaijan, under the theme “Regional Peace and Security,” and was hosted by the President of the Republic of Azerbaijan, Ilham Aliyev. Attending the summit were Kassym-Jomart Tokayev, President of the Republic of Kazakhstan; Sadyr Japarov, President of the Kyrgyz Republic; Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, President of the Republic of Turkey; Shavkat Mirziyoyev, President of the Republic of Uzbekistan; and Viktor Orbán, Prime Minister of Hungary, participating as an observer. Turkmenistan, represented by Gurbanguly Berdimuhamedov, and the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus, represented by Ersin Tatar, also attended the summit as observer members. Among the central topics discussed was support for the Joint Declaration signed between Azerbaijan and Armenia on August 8, 2025, in Washington, D.C. The OTS member states regard this declaration as an important step toward lasting peace and stability in the South Caucasus. The summit also emphasized the need for a collective Turkic effort to sustain peace in the region. In his address, President Aliyev noted that one of the outcomes of the Washington Summit was progress on the Zangezur Corridor, describing it as a new transportation route of great importance within both the Middle Corridor and the North–South Corridor. Speaking before the 80th session of the United Nations General Assembly, Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan had countered the use of the term “Zangezur Corridor,” which does not appear in the signed documents and was never used in negotiations. Despite these objections, however, Aliyev again used the term at the OTS Summit, reaffirming his intention to move forward under that framework. The New York meeting on September 22, 2025, between the foreign ministers of Azerbaijan and Armenia, where both sides agreed to continue dialogue based on the outcomes of the Washington Declaration, has been widely considered a constructive step toward normalization of relations between the two parties. Another highlight of the summit was President Erdoğan’s call to develop the ‘Turkish Large Language Model.’ “To catch up with global developments in artificial intelligence and to preserve our cultural richness, we need to accelerate the development of the Turkish Large Language Model,” Erdoğan said. “[In] Türkiye, we are taking the first step on the common alphabet issue by printing a work about Chingiz Aitmatov and the Oghuznames in the common alphabet. Today, we are also presenting a copy of this to the leaders.” The initiative reflects the vision for greater cultural, scientific, and digital integration among Turkic states, and it was included as part of the broader digital transformation and innovation agenda outlined in the Gabala Declaration, which followed the summit. Kazakh President Tokayev described the Organization of Turkic States as an “authoritative structure uniting friendly Turkic peoples,” capable of addressing shared challenges, and expressed support for establishing an “OTS+” format to expand cooperation and global visibility. President Aliyev, meanwhile, highlighted growing military collaboration between Azerbaijan and Turkey, referencing more than 25 joint exercises held within one year - although this figure has...

Green Energy

Opinion: Uzbekistan’s Winds of Change – A Blueprint for Renewable Energy Transformation in Central Asia

For much of its post-Soviet history, Uzbekistan’s energy system has been defined by natural gas. Its abundant domestic reserves provide a cheap and reliable source of electricity generation, export revenues, and industrial growth. However, this reliance has come at a cost, including vulnerability to fossil fuel volatility, carbon emissions inconsistent with global climate commitments, and an energy profile increasingly at odds with international investment trends. Today, a new landscape is emerging in Uzbekistan’s energy sector. The vast steppes and desert plateaus of the Karakalpakstan and Navoi regions have emerged as some of the most promising areas for wind turbines and energy sector development. This transformation could redefine not only Uzbekistan’s energy security but also the regional energy map of Central Asia. A Decade in the Making: From Pilot to Pioneer This story begins in 2020, when the United Arab Emirates’ renewable energy developer Masdar signed an agreement to construct the Zarafshan Wind Farm in the Navoi region. Initially, this was not a pilot project, as its proposed capacity was about 500 MW, making it the largest wind project among the Central Asian countries at the time. Its symbolism pulsed with an energy no less powerful than the current itself. For Uzbekistan, which had no operating commercial wind capacity, the project marked a significant shift from concept to execution. The Zarafshan Wind Farm reached financial close in 2020, commenced construction in 2022, and was officially inaugurated in December 2024 by Uzbekistan’s President Shavkat Mirziyoyev. Developer reports describe it as one of the largest operational wind farms in Central Asia. It represented a step forward toward sustainability and a message of resolve for energy resilience. In a region where fossil fuels still dominate, Uzbekistan has positioned itself as a regional leader in large-scale wind energy production.. Scaling Beyond Zarafshan: Kungrad and Nukus The breakthrough at the Zarafshan Wind Farm signaled the dawn of a larger journey. Subsequently, Saudi Arabia’s ACWA Power, a giant in renewable energy, agreed to set up the Kungrad Wind IPP. This project includes a transformative complex of three 500 MW wind farms with a total capacity of 1.5 GW of power generation. According to project plans, it will also be accompanied by a 300 MW battery energy storage system (BESS) and roughly 1,450 kilometers of new transmission infrastructure. This single project surpasses Uzbekistan’s earlier renewable efforts and, when completed, will represent one of the most significant clean energy undertakings in the region. Similarly, the Nukus II wind farm-plus-storage project, which secured financing from the Asian Development Bank (ADB) and other partners in mid-2025, seeks to expand renewable energy use, reduce reliance on fossil fuels, cut greenhouse gas emissions, and strengthen energy security. It includes building and operating a 200 MW wind power plant, a 100 MWh battery storage system, a 44 km transmission line, and an upgrade of the 220 kV Beruniy substation. This integration of renewables with flexible storage represents a new phase of Uzbekistan’s energy transition, one where renewables are not simply added to the grid...