The world’s largest economies have recently increased their focus on Central Asia. The United Kingdom, alongside the U.S., the European Union, and China, is seeking to strengthen partnerships in a region that was previously not among its top foreign policy priorities.
Britain Replicates an Established Format
Throughout the years of independence, Kazakhstan and its regional neighbors were often perceived as operating within Russia’s sphere of influence. The war in Ukraine and broader geopolitical shifts have altered international attitudes toward Central Asia.
Major powers are now intensifying dialogue with the region, with particular emphasis on economic cooperation. At the end of February, foreign ministers met in London under the Central Asia-UK (CA5+1) format. Although this was the first meeting of its kind in the British capital, the format mirrors similar mechanisms already used by the U.S., the European Union, Russia, China, and Japan.
Participants noted that the CA5+1 format has proven to be an effective mechanism for structured and substantive engagement with external partners. The regional agenda is addressed comprehensively, reflecting Central Asian priorities while creating additional opportunities to advance economic initiatives and implement joint projects.
Particular attention has been paid to trade diversification, industrial cooperation, sustainable infrastructure development, and unlocking Central Asia’s potential in critical minerals and renewable energy.
The meeting also covered economic growth prospects, key challenges facing Central Asian economies, and the expansion of trade and investment. Logistics was a central topic, including the development of the Trans-Caspian International Transport Route, widely known as the Middle Corridor.
British Foreign Secretary Yvette Cooper emphasized the strategic importance of Central Asia as a dynamically developing region characterized by sustained economic growth, expanding regional cooperation, and a growing role in international affairs. According to the British participants, the region’s countries are pursuing a pragmatic approach, strengthening connectivity and expanding their participation in shaping a modern architecture of economic and political cooperation.
Education and Finance
Interest in British education continues to grow across all five Central Asian countries. Four branches of British universities are operating in Kazakhstan, and nearly 6,000 students have earned British degrees through the Bolashak international scholarship program.
Uzbekistan and Kyrgyzstan have announced plans to establish international financial centers modeled on the Astana International Financial Centre in Kazakhstan. British Ambassador to Uzbekistan Timothy Smart said that work is underway to create an international financial center in Tashkent based on international arbitration standards. Like the Astana model, the new center will operate under English common law.
British Ambassador to Kyrgyzstan Nicholas Bowler highlighted London’s role in assisting with legislation for the International Dispute Resolution Center, which will operate under English law and be located in the Issyk-Kul region. Greater participation by Central Asian companies on the London Stock Exchange is also anticipated.
Logistics and Resources
British diplomats have placed particular emphasis on cooperation in critical minerals, a priority within the United Kingdom’s global strategy. Projects are underway across the region, accompanied by new agreements and industrial partnerships.
Agreements have reportedly been reached between the Kazakh producer Zhezkazganredmet and the British company Maritime House to produce rhenium and introduce technologies for extracting rare and rare-earth metals at the Zhezkazganredmet facility, according to the Kazakh government. However, analysts note that British firms will face competition from the European Union, the U.S., and South Korea for access to Kazakhstan’s mineral resources. Astana has already concluded, or is planning to conclude, contracts with these major consumers in the extraction and processing of critical raw materials.
London has also expressed readiness to support Kazakhstan’s role as a regional transport hub, participate in developing transport corridors and urban planning in Uzbekistan, promote digital services in Tajikistan, and assist in modernizing Turkmenistan’s railway network.
Kazakhstan remains Britain’s largest trading partner in the region. According to Foreign Minister Yermek Kosherbayev, 516 British-owned companies operate in the country. In 2025, bilateral trade reached $1.62 billion, an increase of 83.6% compared with 2024. Trade with Uzbekistan is also expanding steadily.
Geopolitically, Central Asia sits at the intersection of Russia’s, China’s, and the European Union’s strategic interests. The UK is seeking to position itself within this landscape by diversifying economic engagement. In this context, the Middle Corridor has gained particular significance.
The route represents not only an infrastructure project but also an institutional ecosystem requiring legal predictability, digital solutions, insurance mechanisms, arbitration procedures, and transparent financial transactions. Analysts argue that these are areas in which the UK holds comparative advantages.
A Competitive Arena for Global Powers
Journalists working at the BBC argue that Britain will have to compete if it aims to benefit from Central Asia’s growing strategic and economic significance. During the 1990s and 2000s, the five Central Asian countries were largely peripheral to British foreign policy, with limited high-level engagement.
Some British scholars continue to frame the region through the lens of the so-called “Great Game”, the 19th-century rivalry between the Russian and British empires for influence in Central Asia, suggesting that London currently lags behind its competitors.
Following the events of 2001, Central Asia became an important partner for Western countries in counterterrorism efforts due to its proximity to Afghanistan. However, after the Taliban returned to power in August 2021, much of that cooperation was curtailed.
Today, the British government maintains that it must articulate a clear, values-based policy toward Central Asia, not by directly competing with China or Russia, but by offering alternative options to regional leaderships.
Nevertheless, Russia and China continue to hold dominant positions in Central Asia. Russia maintains deep cultural and economic ties and remains involved in numerous transboundary resource projects. China, for its part, has become the leading trading partner for most countries in the region.
