• KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00194 -0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10883 0%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00194 -0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10883 0%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00194 -0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10883 0%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00194 -0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10883 0%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00194 -0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10883 0%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00194 -0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10883 0%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00194 -0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10883 0%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0%
  • KGS/USD = 0.01144 0%
  • KZT/USD = 0.00194 -0%
  • TJS/USD = 0.10883 0%
  • UZS/USD = 0.00008 0%
  • TMT/USD = 0.28571 0%
16 December 2025

U.S. Transfers Afghan Black Hawk Helicopters From Uzbekistan to Peru

The United States has transferred UH-60 Black Hawk helicopters from Uzbekistan to Peru, as part of a broader strategy for managing military equipment evacuated from Afghanistan following the collapse of the former Afghan government in 2021, Diplomat.uz reported.

The helicopters were initially supplied by the U.S. to the Afghan Air Force and were flown to Uzbekistan by Afghan pilots in August 2021, when the Taliban seized control of Kabul. According to Ukrainian media, the aircraft involved are UH-60A+ Black Hawks that remained outside Afghanistan after the Taliban’s takeover.

Reports indicate that nine Black Hawks were delivered to Peru in 2024. In February 2025, an additional seven helicopters were transferred from Central Asia to the U.S., reflecting Washington’s phased approach to reallocating military assets left abroad after the withdrawal from Afghanistan. Defense experts say these transfers are part of a strategic effort to strengthen the capabilities of U.S. partner countries while resolving the status of equipment no longer operable by the Afghan National Defense and Security Forces.

The Taliban, now in control of Afghanistan, has repeatedly insisted that all aircraft flown out in 2021 remain the property of Afghanistan and must be returned. On September 10, Taliban spokesman Zabihullah Mujahid claimed Uzbekistan had agreed to return 57 helicopters, calling the move a step toward rebuilding the country’s air force and improving bilateral relations with Tashkent.

Uzbekistan’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs swiftly denied the claim. On September 11, ministry spokesperson Ahror Burkhanov stated that reports of an agreement to return the helicopters “do not correspond to reality” and labeled the information as false. Uzbek officials have consistently affirmed that the helicopters are U.S. property and emphasized their role in ensuring the aircraft did not fall into Taliban hands.

According to the U.S. Department of Defense, 46 Afghan military aircraft, including Mi-17 and UH-60 helicopters, as well as PC-12, C-208, AC-208, and A-29 fixed-wing planes, were flown to Uzbekistan in 2021. An additional 18 aircraft were relocated to neighboring Tajikistan.

Analysts say the ongoing redistribution of former Afghan military assets illustrates unresolved legal and political questions over equipment left behind in the wake of the U.S. withdrawal. The issue continues to influence regional diplomacy and international security calculations more than four years after the fall of the Afghan government.

Kyrgyzstan Launches Online Platform for Digital Nomad Applications

Kyrgyzstan has officially launched an online platform allowing foreign citizens to apply for Digital Nomad status, the Ministry of Labor, Social Security, and Migration announced this week. The service is available via the Government Services portal.

The Digital Nomad status grants eligible foreign nationals the legal right to reside in Kyrgyzstan while working remotely. Initially valid for 60 days, the status can be extended for one year and renewed annually for up to 10 years.

Applications can now be submitted entirely online, making the process faster, more secure, and user-friendly. The move is part of the government’s broader digitalization and economic modernization efforts.

The Digital Nomad framework was introduced in November 2024, when President Sadyr Japarov signed legislative amendments establishing a legal basis for foreign professionals working in fields such as information and communication technologies (ICT), software development, creative industries, and other digital sectors.

Those granted Digital Nomad status are exempt from mandatory local registration and may obtain a personal identification number (PIN). They are not required to obtain separate work permits and are permitted to engage in entrepreneurial activity either as individuals or through registered legal entities. Digital Nomads are also eligible to open bank accounts in Kyrgyzstan.

The initiative is designed to attract global talent and foster the growth of Kyrgyzstan’s digital economy. Government officials hope the policy will encourage innovation, create jobs, increase tax revenues, and stimulate tourism.

Neighboring Kazakhstan has launched similar efforts to attract mobile professionals. The country recently introduced a Digital Nomad Visa for IT specialists, offering both single-entry electronic and multiple-entry paper formats.

Kazakhstan also rolled out a Neo Nomad Visa targeting remote workers with a verified monthly income of at least $3,000. Applicants must provide proof of health insurance and a clean criminal record.

With these policy shifts, both Kyrgyzstan and Kazakhstan are positioning themselves as emerging hubs for remote work and digital entrepreneurship in Central Asia.

Bishkek to Host Second B5+1 Forum of Central Asia and the U.S.

Kyrgyzstan is preparing to host the second B5+1 Forum of Central Asia and the United States, scheduled for February 4-5, 2026, in Bishkek. On December 12, Kyrgyzstan’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Ministry of Economy and Commerce held a joint briefing for ambassadors from Central Asian countries and the United States to outline preparations for the event.

The B5+1 platform serves as the business counterpart to the C5+1 diplomatic initiative, which unites the five countries of Central Asia – Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan – with the United States. Launched by the Center for International Private Enterprise (CIPE) under its Improving the Business Environment in Central Asia (IBECA) program, B5+1 is supported by the U.S. Department of State and aims to foster high-level engagement between business leaders and policymakers.

The upcoming forum in Bishkek builds on the outcomes of the C5+1 Summit held in Washington on November 6 this year. Its objective is to deepen U.S.-Central Asia economic cooperation and highlight the private sector’s pivotal role in advancing economic reform across the region.

The event is co-hosted by CIPE and the Kyrgyz government. According to organizers, the forum’s agenda will focus on key sectors including agriculture, e-commerce, information technology, transport and logistics, tourism, banking, and critical minerals. These thematic areas reflect emerging regional priorities and shared interests in enhancing sustainable growth and economic resilience.

The B5+1 Forum aims to create a platform for sustained dialogue between governments and private sector actors, encouraging the development of long-term partnerships and policy coordination.

The inaugural B5+1 Forum was held in Almaty in March 2024, and brought together over 250 stakeholders from all five Central Asian countries and the United States. The first event centered on regional cooperation and connectivity, with a strong emphasis on empowering the private sector to support the objectives of the C5+1 Economic and Energy Corridors.

Kazakhstan Turns from Pipelines to Processors

Kazakhstan’s strategic plan for advanced computing represents a diversification of its traditional oil, gas, and transit profile and of the wider national economy. A $2 billion Nvidia-linked initiative now turns on three main elements. First is a national supercomputer using Nvidia H200 chips, with headline AI performance around 2 exaflops. Second is a planned 100 MW data-center campus, designed to expand capacity for commercial users over several years. Third is a “sovereign AI hub” concept that promises long-term chip access for sensitive public-sector workloads.

Prior to this package, Kazakhstan had already moved unusually quickly to build high-end AI and computing infrastructure, treating digital capacity as central to its development policy. The national supercomputer is now the most powerful system in Central Asia and is housed in a Tier III state data center intended for use by universities, startups, and corporate tenants. The hardware push accompanies a wider digital policy agenda, including new training programs with Nvidia to expand the country’s AI talent base. Parallel initiatives with the United States seek to anchor Kazakhstan more firmly within Western regulatory and connectivity frameworks, as part of a broader attempt to move beyond hydrocarbons and build domestic capability in computation-heavy activities.

Kazakhstan’s New AI Statecraft

Astana is presenting the Nvidia package as an economic instrument, not just a hardware upgrade. Senior officials now describe advanced computing as a new pillar of national development, on a par with hydrocarbons and transit. Recent policy statements frame AI and digital infrastructure as central, not a side theme of “innovation” policy. In parallel, the long-running “Digital Kazakhstan” agenda has moved from e-government and broadband roll-out into a second phase where data centers, national platforms, and specialized training come to the foreground.

Within that shift, “sovereign AI” is becoming a core organizing idea. Officials and local specialists talk about national language models that can handle Kazakh, Russian, and other regional languages, and about keeping sensitive public-sector data on infrastructure under national jurisdiction. The new supercomputer and the sovereign AI hub are presented as the place where that work will happen at scale: training and serving models for government services, regulatory tasks, and domestic firms, rather than relying entirely on foreign platforms. The Nvidia partnership is therefore framed as a way to secure long-term access to leading chips for these “sovereign” workloads, even as global export rules tighten.

The same initiative also underwrites a shift in Kazakhstan’s self-presentation from a “pipeline corridor” to Kazakhstan as a corridor for data and high-end digital services. The government has begun to link the sovereign AI hub and supercomputer to a set of fiber-optic projects across the Caspian that aim to tie Central Asia more tightly into Eurasian data routes. The same geography that once made Kazakhstan a crucial link for oil, gas, and rail freight can now make it a regional conduit for digital traffic and AI-enabled services.

Kazakhstan is also using the package to deepen a specific diplomatic track with the United States. Joint announcements and working groups on digital transformation, cybersecurity, and AI skills are now regular features of the C5+1 agenda and related visits. Astana presents advanced computing infrastructure in Kazakhstan not as a purely commercial purchase but as part of a broader political alignment. By stressing transparency, security, and cooperation with Western firms and agencies, Astana is seeking to reassure Washington that high-end hardware on its territory will not become an uncontrolled channel toward Moscow or Beijing.

Domestically, the government is beginning to assemble a set of complementary measures. Officials have outlined targeted tax and customs relief for high-tech imports and special regimes for data centers. They intend to provide public funding for AI-related education as mutually reinforcing instruments. President Tokayev has also proposed measures to retain top foreign graduates in sectors such as information technology, to expand the pool of specialists who can actually use the new systems. These steps remain modest by global standards, but they give the Nvidia initiative a clearer policy context: it is not only a prestige project, but a focal point around which Kazakhstan is trying to organize its next phase of digital and economic development.

Regional Race for AI Hub Status

Kazakhstan is currently the regional leader in physical infrastructure. As mentioned above, its new supercomputer is already the most powerful system in Central Asia and is backed by a state Tier III facility for public, academic, and corporate use. At the same time, foreign partners are financing a Tier IV data center complex in Astana that is aiming for up to 100 megawatts of capacity. Additional sites in the Akmola and Karaganda regions are planned. Together, these projects give Kazakhstan a strong claim to be Central Asia’s main concentration point for advanced computing.

Uzbekistan, however, is trying to narrow the gap by presenting itself as the region’s next AI and technology hub. Tashkent has launched a partnership with Nvidia to create an AI Center of Excellence, training programs, and initial infrastructure, including two AI clusters that together are expected to reach about 1 megawatt of capacity by 2026. In parallel, the Karakalpakstan region is being promoted as a tax-free zone for AI and data-center projects, anchored by a 12-megawatt facility under construction by the Saudi firm, DataVolt.

At the Central Asian scale, “hub” in this context means something more modest than the global cloud centers in Europe or Southeast Asia. The real contest is over who can offer reliable data-center campuses in the tens of megawatts, tied to improving regional connectivity from the planned Trans-Caspian fiber-optic cable between Aktau and Sumgait to new terrestrial links across the Middle Corridor. By this measure, Kazakhstan is well placed to become the dominant AI and data-center node for Central Asia and parts of the wider Caspian neighborhood.

Constraints of Power, Law, People, and Export Controls

The first constraint is power. A 100-megawatt data-center campus needs a grid that can feed that load reliably throughout the year. As recent coverage in The Times of Central Asia makes clear, Kazakhstan is still managing recurring power strains and is only now committing to a new generation of baseload projects. Parallel efforts to modernize aging power stations and grid infrastructure are underway with foreign partners, as well as moves to create a unified digital platform for energy-sector management.

A second constraint is legal and regulatory depth. Kazakhstan has taken visible steps to build modern commercial frameworks, notably through the Astana International Financial Centre, which was launched with multilateral support as a regional financial hub under English-language common law. But Kazakhstan cannot yet offer the long track record, specialist dispute-resolution practice, or granular data-protection jurisprudence that make Singapore or the Netherlands attractive to global cloud platforms. The most likely tenants for sovereign-AI and high-performance systems in the near term will be state agencies, local banks and telecoms, and a limited set of regional corporates.

Human capital is the third piece. Kazakhstan’s leadership has started to treat this as a strategic issue. Recent analysis in TCA has framed human capital and AI as foundations for regional leadership rather than afterthoughts, while more sector-specific analysis has examined how domestic AI projects and training tracks are emerging around the Nvidia partnership. The question is whether these initiatives can expand fast enough, and on competitive terms, to keep specialists from moving to better-paid roles elsewhere.

Finally, export-control and sanctions risks remain an important background condition for any Nvidia-based expansion of computing infrastructure, given the tightening U.S. rules on advanced AI hardware since 2022. In Kazakhstan’s case, these issues have been addressed directly through high-level engagement with U.S. counterparts, including understandings around licensing and end-use assurances for high-end Nvidia systems. Continued access nevertheless depends on specific export licenses to secure high-end Nvidia chips under the current regime. Kazakhstan must show both credible end-use controls and a clean separation from sanctioned actors. Any uncertainty could cap the class of Nvidia technology deployed in Kazakhstan. The more clearly Astana can demonstrate transparent governance, verifiable safeguards, and alignment with U.S. and allied security concerns, the more durable its access to top-tier hardware is likely to be.

Tests of the Structural Shift

The Nvidia-linked package has not appeared from out of nowhere. It comes after several years of policy movement, closely followed by TCA, where Kazakhstan has, in its own language, sought to redefine itself as a regional “digital nexus,” making AI and human capital central to its claim for continued Central Asian leadership. The $2 billion initiative, therefore, represents an attempt to lock in a new pillar of national strategy that integrates advanced computing infrastructure under national jurisdiction, tied to regional data routes across the Caspian.

Singapore’s rise as a computing center was the product of a deliberate, multi-decade industrial strategy that fused regulatory predictability with aggressive investment in digital infrastructure. From the early 2000s, policymakers treated data centers as a productivity-enhancing export sector, using the Economic Development Board to attract foreign cloud providers, while the Infocomm Development Authority expanded fiber backbones and subsidized subsea cable landings.

Crucially, Singapore’s early and sustained emphasis on rule-of-law institutions, intellectual-property protections, and the reliability of the power system created conditions conducive to large-scale digital investment. Over the years, this combination of institutional depth and physical connectivity enabled the city-state to emerge as a dense, capital-intensive cluster anchoring Southeast Asia’s digital economy.

Three practical tests over the next three to five years will indicate whether Kazakhstan succeeds in its structural shift. One test will be how much of the promised 100 megawatts of data-center capacity is actually energized, how many Nvidia-class systems are installed, and how consistently they run. A second test is whether the main users remain state entities and a narrow circle of local firms, making Kazakhstan a national AI node rather than a regional hub. A third test is rule-making and trust, meaning visible progress on data and investment law, and clean export-license decisions.

Climate, state leverage, domestic demand, and cost base make Kazakhstan a logical candidate for this type of build-out. A real structural shift will depend on strong political will, a credible future energy mix, serious connectivity, and external trust. The Kazakhstani leadership has held Singapore as an exemplar to emulate since the mid-1990s, usually invoked as an aspirational direction for domestic economic reforms. Bilateral relations are very good and multifarious; President Tokayev undertook a state visit to Singapore in May 2024. Consequently, talk about Kazakhstan emerging as the “next Singapore” should not be directly tied to the Nvidia chip deal.

Kazakhstan is on track to consolidate its existing role as the AI data-center leader in Central Asia, with the potential of becoming a key node in global networks. The main bottleneck now is long-haul fiber infrastructure; the so-called TRIPP route through the South Caucasus significantly improves prospects for a new high-capacity digital corridor between Kazakhstan and Europe. A Kazakhstan–Europe backbone route, combining the Caspian and South Caucasus segments, is technically straightforward. Actual capex would depend heavily on routing, landing stations, redundancy, and capacity. Nevertheless, it would likely cost in the mid–hundreds of millions of dollars, a scale Kazakhstan can realistically support as a lead investor within a wider consortium. Singapore’s dense submarine-cable connectivity, specialized finance, and high-trust regulation sets the benchmark for Central Asian states—and others—aspiring to become major digital hubs.

Pannier and Hillard’s Spotlight on Central Asia: New Episode Available Now

As Managing Editor of The Times of Central Asia, I’m delighted that, in partnership with the Oxus Society for Central Asian Affairs, from October 19, we are the home of the Spotlight on Central Asia podcast. Chaired by seasoned broadcasters Bruce Pannier of RFE/RL’s long-running Majlis podcast and Michael Hillard of The Red Line, each fortnightly instalment will take you on a deep dive into the latest news, developments, security issues, and social trends across an increasingly pivotal region.

This week, we’re unpacking Turkmenistan’s Neutrality Summit, a rare moment where a string of big names quietly rolled into Ashgabat, and where the public messaging mattered just as much as the backroom deals. We’ll also cut through the noise on the latest reporting from the Tajik–Afghan border, where misinformation is colliding with real security developments on the ground. From there, we’ll take a hard look at the results of Kyrgyzstan’s elections, what they actually tell us about where Bishkek is heading next, and what they don’t, before examining the looming power rationing now shaping daily life and political pressure in two Central Asian states.

And to wrap it up, we’re joined by two outstanding experts for a frank conversation on gendered violence in Central Asia: what’s changing, what isn’t, and why the official statistics may only capture a fraction of the reality. On the show this week: Daryana Gryaznova (Equality Now) Svetlana Dzardanova (Human Rights and Corruption Researcher)

“I Miss Everything:” Friends, Officials Mourn Uzbek Student Slain in the U.S.

MukhammadAziz Umurzokov, one of two students killed by a gunman at Brown University on Dec. 13, seemed to be making the most of life after moving to the United States from Uzbekistan with his family some years ago. He hoped to become a neurosurgeon, according to a sister, and his acceptance into the elite university in Rhode Island signaled that he was on the way to achieving his goals.

So, the killing of Umurzokov, along with that of student Ella Cook of Alabama, hit hard for some people who, though accustomed to periodic news of mass shootings in the United States, were especially saddened that lives of such promise ended in violence. In Umurzokov’s case, he was mourned from the halls of power and diplomacy in the Uzbek capital of Tashkent to the suburbs of Richmond, Virginia, where he went to high school.

“The loss of innocent lives as a result of this tragedy is a heavy loss for all of us,” Akhror Burkhanov, press secretary for Uzbekistan’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs, said on X. “Representatives of the missions of the Republic of Uzbekistan in the United States are in constant contact with the relatives of the deceased and are working closely with the relevant U.S. agencies on all issues.”

Jonathan Henick, the U.S. ambassador to Uzbekistan, also expressed his sadness over the killings at Brown.

“We extend our sincere condolences to Mr. Umurzokov’s family, friends, and fellow students and mourn the loss of his bright future,” Henick said in a statement.

He added the Uzbek-language phrase: “Marhumni Xudo rahmat qilsin” (May God have mercy on the deceased).

The Uzbek American Association issued a tribute to the Uzbek student, saying: “His passing has left an immeasurable void in the hearts of his family, friends, classmates, and the broader Uzbek American community.”

Some comments from old friends in the United States suggested that Umurzokov, as a member of the Uzbek diaspora, was integrated into the rhythms of American life.

“I miss everything,” Jameson Huang said on the GoFundMe page that was set up by Umurzokov’s sister, Samira Umurzokova. “Let’s catch up one day in Publix, drinking Arizonas and eating mac and cheese. Let’s race our cars and see who’s faster. Let’s redo the chaos of the college application cycle and the late night calls and hangouts. One day man, one day. For now, rest easy and stay safe up there.”