Pannier and Hillard’s Spotlight on Central Asia: New Episode Available Now
As Managing Editor of The Times of Central Asia, I’m delighted that, in partnership with the Oxus Society for Central Asian Affairs, from October 19, we are the home of the Spotlight on Central Asia podcast. Chaired by seasoned broadcasters Bruce Pannier of RFE/RL’s long-running Majlis podcast and Michael Hillard of The Red Line, each fortnightly instalment will take you on a deep dive into the latest news, developments, security issues, and social trends across an increasingly pivotal region. This week, we're unpacking Turkmenistan's Neutrality Summit, a rare moment where a string of big names quietly rolled into Ashgabat, and where the public messaging mattered just as much as the backroom deals. We'll also cut through the noise on the latest reporting from the Tajik–Afghan border, where misinformation is colliding with real security developments on the ground. From there, we'll take a hard look at the results of Kyrgyzstan's elections, what they actually tell us about where Bishkek is heading next, and what they don't, before examining the looming power rationing now shaping daily life and political pressure in two Central Asian states. And to wrap it up, we're joined by two outstanding experts for a frank conversation on gendered violence in Central Asia: what's changing, what isn't, and why the official statistics may only capture a fraction of the reality. On the show this week: Daryana Gryaznova (Equality Now) Svetlana Dzardanova (Human Rights and Corruption Researcher)
Nomad TV: Russia’s Latest Media Venture in Kyrgyzstan
Kyrgyzstan has a new TV station. At first glance, it’s the kind of cozy, local news channel satirized in 2004’s Anchorman. The headline item on December 10th was the fact that it had snowed in Bishkek, with the on-screen reporter treading around the city asking residents whether they felt cold.
“Not really,” is the general response, given that plummeting temperatures are hardly a new phenomenon in the Kyrgyz capital.
“What kind of precautions did you take against the weather?” the reporter asks one gentleman.
“Put on a hat and gloves,” comes the droll reply.
This piece is followed by an interview with a representative of the city’s police service, advising people to tread carefully on the icy pavements.
Similar soft news items follow: an interview on the progress of Asman eco-city on Lake Issyk Kul; the modernization of a factory in Bishkek; and the announcement of a new coach for the national football team.
These are hardly stories to make waves. Indeed, most people in Bishkek are unaware of the new channel’s existence.
“It hasn't been a major discussion point; the only presence that I felt is this huge, green box that has been installed on the central square,” Nurbek Bekmurzaev, the Central Asian editor of Global Voices, told The Times of Central Asia, referring to the broadcaster’s temporary studio at the heart of the city.
Yet Nomad is one of the best-funded media outfits in the country, offering salaries twice as high as those paid by rival organizations. And, in one form or another, it seems clear that the money is coming from the Russian state.
So why has the Kremlin, which is hardly underrepresented in Kyrgyzstan’s media sphere, decided to throw such sums at a local news station?
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Nomad TV’s temporary studio on Ala-Too square in the heart of Bishkek; image: TCA, Joe Luc Barnes[/caption]
A Bold Start
Nomad’s initial coverage was not so banal. On November 23, the channel began broadcasting with a cascade of high-profile interviews linked to Vladimir Putin’s state visit to Kyrgyzstan on November 25-27.
This followed a lavish launch ceremony at the city’s opera house, attended by Russian Foreign Ministry spokeswoman, Maria Zakharova, and the Kyrgyz deputy Prime Minister Edil Baisalov. Putin himself lauded the new channel in his speech on November 26, and gave its chief editor, Natalia Korolevich, an exclusive interview the following day.
This followed a feverish autumn, which the broadcaster had spent poaching talent from newsrooms around Bishkek.
This included Mirbek Moldabekov, a veteran broadcaster from the state television channel, UTRK; the head of Sputnik in Kyrgyzstan, Erkin Alimbekov; and his wife, Svetlana Akmatalieva, a journalist from the National TV and Radio Corporation. The channel’s producer is Anna Abakumova, a former RT journalist who gained fame reporting from Russian-occupied territories in Ukraine.
These aggressive recruitment tactics have split the profession in Kyrgyzstan. Journalist Adil Turdukolov asserted in an interview with Exclusive.kz that anyone who has chosen to work for Nomad “is not particularly concerned with the moral or civic aspects [of the job].”
Others in the media industry told TCA under condition of anonymity that the campaign against journalists joining the new channel “has become a little hysterical.”
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Vladimir Putin’s state visit to Kyrgyzstan on November 26, where he praised the launch of Nomad TV; image: TCA, Joe Luc Barnes[/caption]
A Warm Welcome
While Russia is hardly unique in having state media in Kyrgyzstan – Britain’s publicly-funded BBC operates a Kyrgyz service, while the United States Congress currently still funds Radio Azattyk (RFE/RL) – Rashid Gabdulhakov, associate professor at the University of Groningen, notes the contrasting reception that Nomad has received when compared to other foreign media.
“The claim that Nomad TV is ‘just another media outlet’ free to operate like any other is misleading,” he told TCA.
When Azattyk was defunded by the White House in March 2025, Kyrgyzstan’s President Sadyr Japarov responded favorably: “People do not need information from Azattyk… Trump and Musk’s decision should be supported,” he said, having accused the media outlet of disinformation.
Meanwhile, independent media in Kyrgyzstan, such as Kloop and Temirov Live, have been designated extremist organizations. “Former employees were prosecuted for having worked there,” said Gabdulhakov. “Even liking or sharing Kloop’s content can now carry risks.”
He contrasts that with the fact that leading politicians are eager to appear in interviews with Russia’s new channel.
“Nomad offers something politically convenient: predictable, Kremlin-aligned messaging that also flatters the ruling regime in Bishkek, as long as it stays within the boundaries acceptable to Moscow,” he said.
Russia’s Wider Media Ambitions
Russian television channels such as Channel One, Russia 24, Kultura, and Zvezda already broadcast in Kyrgyzstan, and coffee shops such as Vanilla Sky offer a free copy of the state newspaper Rossiyskaya Gazeta. So what purpose is being served by the creation of another channel?
Temur Umarov, research fellow at the Carnegie Russia Eurasia Center in Berlin, believes that money lies at the root of it. “I don’t think anyone in Russia is thinking about it strategically, except as a means of pitching it to decision makers; it’s much more about money,” he told TCA, asserting that the channel is a means of “washing out the resources that Russia has for the purposes of particular people in the media machine.”
Others suspect that it might be a means of restoring influence on social media. Channels funded by the Russian state were removed from YouTube in 2022.
Although Nomad is evidently linked to the Russian state, given its access to the Russian president and the number of employees linked to Kremlin media, its funding sources are grey, and it is officially designated a Kyrgyz-Russian joint project.
An investigation by Azattyk revealed Nomad’s links to the shadowy non-profit organization, Evrasia, funded by Moldovan oligarch Ilan Shor and chaired by Russian Duma speaker Vyacheslav Volodin. The organization, which opened a Russian Cultural Center in Bishkek just before Putin’s visit, has already been at the heart of a disinformation campaign in the 2024 elections in Moldova, and is said to be in charge of training the new recruits for Nomad TV.
The funding appears to be grey enough, however. The channel has not yet fallen foul of YouTube, where it has over 6,000 subscribers, while on its Instagram account, this figure has risen to more than 20,000. While these figures are modest, they may represent a test case in how to spread Russian influence abroad.
The use of these U.S. platforms is rather ironic given that Instagram has been designated as extremist by Moscow and is banned within Russia. Meanwhile, YouTube’s speed has been affected by Rozkomnadzor, the country’s internet censor, making its use difficult without a VPN.
Such hypocrisy is not unique to Russia, with Chinese state media also making use of YouTube to spread their own state narrative despite banning it at home – CGTN alone has 3.6 million subscribers. In this case, “influence strategy takes precedence over ideological consistency,” said Gabdulhakov.
Nomad’s launch in Kyrgyzstan was quickly followed by a larger Russian campaign elsewhere – on December 5, RT opened a new bureau in India, based in New Delhi.
Is there an audience?
While RT’s operation in New Delhi suggests the Kremlin sees scope for pushing its narrative in the global south, Nomad’s style is quite different. Unlike RT, there is little in the way of foreign wars, hordes of migrants, or sensationalist polemics. The thunderous, frenetic music is nowhere to be heard either.
For all the fanfare of the launch, the high-level interviews, and the glitzy studio, Nomad’s offerings have focused on the local and the everyday. When there is no news, the channel rebroadcasts NTV, another Russian state channel.
And there are further doubts about the potential audience. Although there is a Kyrgyz option on the channel, the main broadcasting language is Russian, and according to Bekmurzaev, “most people don't understand Russian well enough to listen to news and debates.”
That said, the channel’s Kyrgyz language Instagram page has seen far faster growth than its Russian equivalent, suggesting that social media may be the long-term play.
“TV is dead,” says Umarov bluntly. “Everyone is going from TV to socials.”
Umarov is also unconvinced about Moscow’s desire to influence the Kyrgyz population. “I would be surprised if it became an effective tool to spread the Kremlin’s message,” he said.
“The Kremlin thinks that the audience doesn’t really matter. As long as there is an understanding among the elites, the Kremlin is happy. It doesn’t really need the support of the population.”
The Silk Visa Deadlock: The Long Road to a Borderless Central Asia
The year 2025 will likely be remembered as a milestone in Central Asian diplomacy. Regional leaders signed landmark agreements on water and energy cooperation and launched major investment projects. At high-level meetings, Central Asian presidents emphasized a new phase of deeper cooperation and greater unity, highlighting strategic partnership and shared development goals. But at ground level, at border crossings such as Korday between Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan, or the congested diversion routes replacing the closed Zhibek Zholy checkpoint, the picture is far less seamless. Long queues, heightened scrutiny, and bureaucratic delays remain the norm. While political rhetoric celebrates unity, the reality on the ground tells a different story. The region’s physical borders remain tightly controlled. A key symbol of unrealized integration is the stalled “Silk Visa” project, a proposed Central Asian version of the Schengen visa that would allow tourists to travel freely across the region. The project has made little headway, with experts suggesting that, beyond technical issues, deeper concerns, including economic disparities and security sensitivities, have played a role. Silk Visa: A Stalled Vision Launched in 2018 by Uzbekistan and Kazakhstan, the Silk Visa was envisioned as a game-changer for regional tourism and mobility. Under the scheme, tourists with a visa to one participating country could move freely across Central Asia, from Almaty to Samarkand and Bishkek. Seven years on, the project has yet to materialize. Official explanations point to the difficulty of integrating databases on “undesirable persons.” But as Uzbekistan’s Deputy Prime Minister acknowledged earlier this year, the delay stems from the need to harmonize security services and create a unified system. Experts also cite diverging visa policies and resistance from national security agencies unwilling to share sensitive data. As long as each country insists on determining independently whom to admit or blacklist, the Silk Visa will remain more aspiration than policy. Economic Imbalance: The Silent Barrier The most significant, albeit rarely acknowledged, hurdle to regional openness is economic inequality. Kazakhstan’s GDP per capita, at over $14,000, is significantly higher than that of Uzbekistan or Kyrgyzstan, which hover around $2,500-3,000. This disparity feeds fears in Astana that full border liberalization would trigger a wave of low-skilled labor migration, putting strain on Kazakhstan’s urban infrastructure and labor market. While Kazakhstan is eager to export goods, services, and capital across Central Asia, it remains reluctant to import unemployment or social tension. Migration pressure is already high: according to Uzbekistan’s Migration Agency, the number of Uzbek workers in Kazakhstan reached 322,700 in early 2025. Removing border controls entirely could exacerbate this trend, overwhelming already stretched public services. Security Concerns and Regional Tensions The geopolitical landscape further complicates the dream of borderless travel. A truly open regional system would require a strong, unified external border, something unattainable given Afghanistan’s proximity. The persistent threats of drug trafficking and extremist infiltration compel Uzbekistan and Tajikistan to maintain tight border controls. Kazakhstan, while geographically removed, remains cautious about loosening controls along its southern frontier. Moreover, despite recent agreements on delimiting the Kyrgyz–Tajik border, tensions in the area remain unresolved, underscoring the fragility of regional trust, making the creation of a unified security space across all five countries a distant prospect. The war in Ukraine has further complicated the region’s geopolitical calculus. Russia remains Central Asia’s primary destination for its migrant labor, but the conflict has strained Moscow’s economic capacity and pushed regional governments to diversify partnerships. This uncertainty reinforces risk-averse security policies, making leaders even less willing to consider fully open borders. Reality Check: Trade Over Tourism Perhaps the most tangible measure of regional integration is logistics. Yet even this is underwhelming. The Korday (Ak Zhol) crossing remains a choke point for trade between Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan. Despite digital queueing systems, businesses continue to report delays, and truck drivers face multi-day traffic jams. These recurring trade bottlenecks indicate that borders are still used as tools of economic leverage, undermining promises of seamless transit. Considering all factors, the emergence of a full-fledged 'Central Asian Schengen' in the foreseeable future appears unlikely. The combination of security risks and economic imbalance makes open borders politically unpalatable. Instead, the region may follow a model akin to “Two-speed Europe,” with elite-driven economic integration, such as simplified cargo transit and digital customs systems, advancing faster than broader public mobility. For most citizens, however, the dream of borderless Central Asia will remain just that: a dream.
Kyrgyzstan’s Creative Industries Park: Inside the Country’s Latest Artistic “Miracle”
Kyrgyz cinema in the 1960s to 1970s was sometimes referred to as the ‘Kyrgyz Miracle’, for the number of great pieces that were made during this time. This is still symbolic today, as the country is now in another ‘miracle’ era for the creative industries, which is setting an example not just for the Central Asia region, but globally. In 2023 Daniyar Amanaliev, Co-Founder of an art studio named ololo and Chairman of the Supervisory Board of the Creative Industries Park, told Deutsche Welle: “We have a very small country. When you start a business here, it's very difficult to start making money because the market is so small. And our innovators are people who are involved in creative businesses. Almost all of these companies have intangible products that cannot be stopped at customs or sealed in a warehouse. Everything is in people's heads, on computers, in the cloud, and this is exactly the kind of business model that can thrive in the Kyrgyz Republic”. This story starts with Ololo, a small art studio in Bishkek founded in 2016 by Daniar Amanaliev, Ainura Amanalieva, Atai Sadybakasov, and Victoria Yurtaeva. The initial idea was to change the lifestyle of Kyrgyz citizens, enriching their lives with different forms of art, and let them pursue the dreams of their youth. The studio provided a wide range of art classes with no age restrictions. The company soon switched its business model to operating creative hubs. Yurtaeva soon left the project. Fast forward nine years and in 2025 Ololo is the largest chain of creative hubs in Central Asia, with nine locations in Kyrgyzstan and an upcoming launch of their tenth location in Kazakhstan. In October 2021 Ololo was crucial to the launch of the Association of Creative Industries of the Kyrgyz Republic, together with eight other companies from the creative industries. Starting as a modest group, the association is now among the most active associations in the country, with over 50 member companies representing over 20 creative industries. In April 2022 the country’s President Sadyr Japarov signed an Order on the development of the creative industries. He even visited the very first Create4 creative industries festival later that year. Kyrgyzstan’s Creative Industries Park (CIP) came into being in summer 2022. Almost a year later, the relevant amendments to the national Tax Code were approved. In June 2023 a government order regulating the operations of the Creative Industries Park was adopted. And, finally, the register of industries exempt from taxes under the Creative Industries Park were defined in December of 2023.
The World’s First
Now the Creative Industries Park is the very first model globally for boosting creative industries in this way, which is a viable case for other countries to follow. Amanaliev is the only member from Central Asia in the Global Creative Economy Council, part of the UK’s Creative Industries Policy and Evidence Centre. His counterparts from different parts of the world are now carefully watching how this new model unfolds. It has been quite successful so far, and is only gaining momentum. CIP provides a special tax regime for companies operating in the creative industries, offering significantly reduced tax rates. At the moment 72 creative sectors, from cinema and music to fashion and graphic arts, enjoy the benefits of the park. The Park has over 130 members already, which made over KGS 500 million (~$6 million) in revenue in Q3 2025, a more than ten-fold growth since Q3 2024. A similar special tax regime for IT outsourcing, the High Technology Park, saw a 500x growth in the revenue of its residents in its first decade from its launch in 2013 to 2023. CIP has all the potential to grow even further. In 2025 CIP launched its own Creative Industries Support Fund, which runs its grant program and started financially supporting promising initiatives, projects, and startups in the creative industries. Last month CIP held its very first contest for companies operating in the creative industries, where participants could win equity-free cash prizes to further develop their companies. Speaking about the potential for his project, Amanaliev told The Times of Central Asia: “A Creative Industries Park is a good idea for any country in the Global South. I’m sure, in the nearest 5-10 years we will witness the adaptation of this idea in many places. It will become a great contribution of the Kyrgyz Republic to the development of the creative economy in the world!”
“Winter Begins in Karakol”: Kyrgyzstan Launches Ski Season with Cultural Events
The winter tourist season has officially opened in Karakol, Kyrgyzstan, long considered one of Central Asia’s top destinations for active winter tourism. The city is traditionally the first in the country to open its ski slopes, and this year’s launch was not merely technical, but a full-scale event aimed at boosting both domestic and international tourism.
A festive program was held at the ski base, featuring music and dance performances, as well as the launch of the “Jaryk Fest” festival. Local artisans hosted master classes in felt-making, showcasing clothing and souvenir production. This crafts section played an important role in positioning the region as a cultural as well as an adventure destination.
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@TCA[/caption]
“Jaryk Fest is a celebration of light, snow, and vivid emotions. It’s timed to coincide with the opening of the winter season across Kyrgyzstan. We even have a slogan: ‘Winter begins in Karakol,’” said Ulukbek Almakebek, manager of the Karakol ski resort, in an interview with The Times of Central Asia.
According to the organizers, the resort continues to draw tourists from Russia and Kazakhstan, but recent years have seen a notable rise in visitors from Europe and Southeast Asia, a trend that Kyrgyzstan is actively encouraging by expanding its winter tourism offerings.
Skiers highlight Karakol’s unique terrain as one of its main attractions. Many of the trails pass through dense coniferous forests, creating picturesque and varied descents not found at other regional resorts.
Erdenet Kasymov, director of the Kyrgyzstan Tourism Department, noted that winter tourism is rapidly diversifying. In addition to traditional skiing and hot springs, European tourists are increasingly opting for mountain hiking and horseback riding.
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@TCA[/caption]
“Tourists from South Korea and India are particularly drawn to snowshoeing in deep snow. It’s a relatively new form of recreation, but one that’s quickly gaining popularity,” Kasymov said.
One emerging trend is winter yachting on Issyk-Kul Lake. Because the lake does not freeze in winter, it offers an extended season and opportunities for new types of recreation. Two modern yachts have already been acquired for the region, and work is ongoing to restore older vessels and build docks and piers.
This approach aligns with a vision outlined by President Sadyr Japarov, a native of the Issyk-Kul region, who has previously called for moving beyond the traditional separation of “winter” and “summer” tourism. According to Japarov, Kyrgyzstan is building a model of year-round tourism designed to take advantage of the country’s diverse natural offerings.
China’s Expanding Electric Bus Footprint in Central Asia
In recent years, there has been a visible increase in electric vehicle exports from China to Central Asia. Although much public attention goes to electric cars, the spread of Chinese electric buses across the region is equally meaningful. Kyrgyzstan provides a clear example of this trend, where manufacturers such as Yutong and Anhui Ankai Automobile have become important actors in the country’s effort to modernize its public transport system. Through the Asian Development Bank-funded Urban Transport Electrification Project, Kyrgyzstan purchased 120 battery electric buses from Anhui Ankai Automobile. A complementary initiative by the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development under its Green City program is supporting the delivery of 95 new 12-meter Yutong buses. The first batch of 20 Yutong vehicles reached the country in November 2025, marking a practical step forward in Kyrgyzstan’s shift toward cleaner transportation. Mutual Benefits and Strategic Alignment Cooperation in the electric bus sector offers advantages for China and Kyrgyzstan in different but interconnected ways. For Chinese companies, emerging markets such as Kyrgyzstan present new commercial openings at a time when access to some advanced markets faces stricter regulatory conditions. Exporting electric buses to Central Asia allows Chinese manufacturers to diversify revenue streams while strengthening their global presence. The growing visibility of Chinese green technologies also fits within the broader vision of the Green Silk Road, which aims to reinforce an image of China as a partner in sustainable development. China’s involvement in Kyrgyzstan’s electric mobility market broadens the scope of bilateral engagement. Previous cooperation often focused on large infrastructure and energy projects. The addition of electric mobility creates a more diversified framework that touches directly on urban life and community-level benefits. Opportunities for Kyrgyzstan’s Green Transition Kyrgyzstan stands to gain significantly from the expansion of electric public transport, especially with the support of multilateral development banks. Access to affordable and modern electric buses enables cities to renew outdated fleets and reduce their reliance on conventional diesel-powered vehicles. Environmental and public health benefits are among the most important outcomes. The transportation sector accounts for an estimated 28% of Kyrgyzstan’s national greenhouse gas emissions, making a transition to cleaner mobility essential for meeting sustainability goals. Electric buses can reduce air pollution in densely populated areas and improve overall urban health. Kyrgyzstan’s electricity mix relies heavily on domestically generated renewable energy, particularly hydropower. This makes the shift to electric mobility even more beneficial. When electric buses are powered by renewable sources, the overall carbon footprint of the fleet is significantly lower. Reduced dependence on imported fossil fuels further strengthens national energy security. A Gradual but Meaningful Transformation The growing presence of Chinese electric buses in Kyrgyzstan reflects a broader regional transformation. Public transport electrification is becoming an important element of Central Asia’s green development path. While challenges remain in finance, maintenance, and charging infrastructure, the overall direction is clear. Partnerships that bring together Chinese manufacturers, multilateral development institutions, and Central Asian governments are creating new opportunities for sustainable mobility. For Kyrgyzstan, these developments support cleaner cities and healthier communities. For China, they help build constructive economic and technological ties in the region. Electric buses, therefore, represent more than a technological product. They symbolize how environmental goals, market developments, and international cooperation are gradually reshaping the landscape of Central Asia.
Kyrgyzstan UN Security Council Bid Gains Backing from Central Asian Neighbors
In a show of regional unity, the presidents of all of the Central Asian countries have endorsed Kyrgyzstan’s candidacy for a non-permanent seat on the United Nations Security Council for the 2027–2028 term. The joint appeal was announced on December 4 at a UN press briefing in New York by Uzbekistan’s Permanent Representative, Ulugbek Lapasov, who called on UN member states to support the bid. According to Lapasov, the endorsement reflects the region’s intent to strengthen its voice in international peace and security efforts. Kyrgyzstan’s Permanent Representative to the UN, Aida Kasymalieva, welcomed the unified support from neighboring states. Kasymalieva said the move reflects “a shared commitment to peace, dialogue, and a constructive multilateral approach,” and emphasized that her country, if elected, would serve as “a responsible and principled” Council member that amplifies the voices of smaller and developing nations.
A Regional Campaign with Global Aspirations
Kyrgyzstan first announced its intention to seek a Security Council seat in 2017. The campaign gathered momentum in 2024, when President Sadyr Japarov told the UN General Assembly that it was time to correct the “historical injustice” of dozens of UN member states - Kyrgyzstan among them - never having served on the Council. Japarov also called for broader representation, especially for African countries, and pledged that Kyrgyzstan would work to make the Council more effective, transparent, and inclusive. In April 2025, Kyrgyzstan officially launched its campaign with a reception at UN Headquarters in New York. Foreign Minister Jeenbek Kulubaev outlined Bishkek’s core priorities: conflict prevention, sustainable development for landlocked and mountainous nations, nuclear disarmament, and support for UN reform. The event drew diplomats from over 150 UN member states. The bid has become a central part of Bishkek’s foreign policy agenda, with senior officials describing it as a long-term investment in the country’s diplomatic standing. The vote for the 2027–2028 non-permanent seats will take place during the UN General Assembly session in June 2026, as scheduled under UN election procedures. Local media have reported that Kyrgyzstan’s main competitor for the Asia-Pacific seat is the Philippines, which has also announced its candidacy. This would not be the first time a Central Asian state has held a seat on the Council. Kazakhstan was elected for the 2017–2018 term, becoming the first country from the region to do so. Its campaign emphasized nuclear disarmament, regional security, and representing the interests of landlocked developing countries. Kyrgyzstan has framed its candidacy similarly, not just as a national endeavor, but as a platform for regional engagement on a global stage.Domestic Challenges, Global Aspirations
While Kyrgyzstan pushes for a seat at the UN’s most powerful decision-making body, concerns persist over the country’s democratic trajectory. Once considered the most open society in Central Asia, Kyrgyzstan has seen a decline in civil liberties in recent years, with growing restrictions on independent media, increased pressure on NGOs, and a pattern of centralized political control under President Japarov. In 2021, Kyrgyzstan adopted a new constitution that expanded presidential powers and weakened checks and balances. More recently, parliament passed a “foreign agents” law - widely criticized by civil society – which raised fears of a crackdown on nonprofit groups with international ties. The government argues that the reforms aim to protect national values and promote stability. As the UN General Assembly vote nears, Kyrgyzstan’s diplomacy will be tested not just on international policy, but on how its domestic record aligns with the principles it pledges to uphold abroad. Whether the country’s bid succeeds will depend on both the strength of regional backing and the credibility of its global commitments.
Kyrgyzstan and Britain Sign Landmark Agreement on Critical Minerals Cooperation
Kyrgyzstan and the United Kingdom have taken a significant step toward strengthening their partnership in the global critical minerals market, signing a landmark memorandum of understanding (MoU) in London. The agreement was formalized by Stephen Doughty, UK Minister of State for Europe, North America and UK Overseas Territories, and Meder Mashiev, Kyrgyz Minister of Natural Resources, Ecology and Technical Supervision. The document outlines cooperation in geological exploration, the implementation of high environmental, social and governance (ESG) standards, development of business ties, and the exchange of expertise. For Bishkek, the MoU establishes a new platform for deeper economic engagement with the UK, one of the world’s leading financial and technological hubs, while facilitating foreign investment and joint projects in the critical minerals sector. Mashiev arrived in London as part of the Kyrgyz government delegation attending London Mining Week, which runs from December 1 to 6. Speaking at the MINEX Eurasia conference on December 1, he presented the country’s long-term strategy for developing its critical minerals sector. According to him, Kyrgyzstan’s deposits of antimony, beryllium, molybdenum, bismuth, zinc, silver, and other critical minerals represent significant commercial and strategic value for global industries, particularly in energy, electronics, and advanced manufacturing. State-owned companies, including Kyrgyzgeology, are leading exploration and development efforts, supported by government incentives and an open-door policy toward international collaboration. Strategic sites are being actively promoted for joint ventures and direct foreign investment. Mashiev emphasized that Kyrgyzstan’s strategy places a strong focus on high ESG standards, aiming to ensure environmentally responsible development, social transparency, and meaningful benefits for local communities. The government’s objective is to position the country as a competitive and responsible supplier of critical minerals essential to global green transition technologies. Kyrgyzstan’s ambitions are backed by substantial geological potential. Speaking at the International Forum on Critical Minerals 2025 in Seoul in May, Deputy Minister Marat Jusupbekov noted that the country is home to 11 deposits of rare earth elements, positioning it as an increasingly attractive destination for global investors. One of Kyrgyzstan's most valuable assets is the Kutessay II deposit, which contains more than 63,300 tons of rare earth metals, along with molybdenum, silver, bismuth, lead, and zinc. The government is promoting joint development of this deposit in tandem with the nearby Kalesai beryllium site, which holds an estimated 11,700 tons of beryllium. Both sites are licensed to Kyrgyzgeology, which is actively seeking foreign investment partners. Jusupbekov also highlighted the potential of the Kyzyl-Ompol uranium-thorium group, including the Tash-Bulak area, where titanium-magnetite reserves are estimated at 5.5 million tons. This project is licensed to Kyrgyzaltyn, the country’s largest gold mining enterprise. With global demand for critical minerals rising due to the renewable energy transition and growth in advanced manufacturing, Kyrgyzstan’s latest agreements and strategic initiatives aim to position the country as an emerging player in this fast-evolving, high-value market.
Sunkar Podcast
Central Asia and the Troubled Southern Route
