Pannier and Hillard’s Spotlight on Central Asia: New Episode Available Sunday
As Managing Editor of The Times of Central Asia, I’m delighted that, in partnership with the Oxus Society for Central Asian Affairs, from October 19, we are the home of the Spotlight on Central Asia podcast. Chaired by seasoned broadcasters Bruce Pannier of RFE/RL’s long-running Majlis podcast and Michael Hillard of The Red Line, each fortnightly instalment will take you on a deep dive into the latest news, developments, security issues, and social trends across an increasingly pivotal region. This week, the team is taking a deep dive into the worsening situation for Central Asian migrant laborers in Russia, as seen in the recent raid in Khabarovsk, where one Uzbek citizen was beaten to death, and another was left in a coma. Our guest is Tolkun Umaraliev, the regional director for RFERL's Central Asian service and previously the head of RFERL's Migrant Media project.
Orthodox Christmas in Central Asia Highlights Faith, Tradition, and Tolerance
On January 7, Orthodox Christians in Central Asia and around the world celebrate Christmas. In the region, the holiday has become a symbol of religious and ethnic tolerance. Christmas is one of the most significant holidays for believers and is also cherished by many who are not religious. It is celebrated by billions globally. However, the majority of Orthodox Christians and Catholics do not observe Christmas on the same day.
While Christmas falls on January 7 for millions of Orthodox Christians in Central Asia, the holiday is marked not only by church services but also by official recognition, public celebrations, and interfaith messages—underscoring the region’s emphasis on religious coexistence.
In the early centuries of the Christian era, the Julian calendar was used universally, but, over time, astronomers found that the Julian calendar miscalculated the solar year’s length. As a result, it was replaced by the more accurate Gregorian calendar, which is now followed in most of the secular world. However, many Orthodox churches did not adopt the Gregorian reform. Consequently, many Orthodox Christians celebrate Christmas not on December 25, but 13 days later, on January 7.
Some interpreters of church law argue that the Julian calendar is sanctified by centuries of tradition. The Russian Orthodox Church, in particular, maintains that transitioning to the Gregorian calendar would violate canonical norms.
A Bright Holiday in Kazakhstan
In Kazakhstan, the Ascension Cathedral in Almaty is filled with worshippers on Christmas Eve. The cathedral is a spiritual, historical, and cultural landmark of the country.
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The Zenkov (Ascension) Cathedral, Almaty; image: TCA, Stephen M. Bland[/caption]
This year, Metropolitan Alexander, head of the Orthodox Church in Kazakhstan, conducted the divine liturgy at the cathedral, urging people to mark the holiday through acts of kindness.
“It would be wrong to celebrate Christmas if we do not share this joy with our neighbors, especially those in need of comfort and support. Let us strive to make this festive season truly bright and solemn for all of us, through good deeds, words of comfort and encouragement, compassion, and mercy. Let us extend a helping hand to those who mourn, encourage those who are discouraged, visit those who are sick, and remember those who are lonely,” said Metropolitan Alexander of Astana and Kazakhstan.
In Astana, Bishop Gennady of Kaskelen, administrator of the Metropolitan District, offered Christmas greetings and led a service at Uspensky Cathedral. Orthodox Christmas is a public holiday in Kazakhstan. Representatives of various faiths have emphasized that the day symbolizes peaceful coexistence among people of different nationalities and religions.
Christmas Carols and Religious Freedom
In Uzbekistan, Metropolitan Vikenty of Tashkent and Uzbekistan, head of the Central Asian Metropolitan District, led the Divine Liturgy at the Cathedral of the Assumption of the Blessed Virgin Mary in Tashkent. The Orthodox community in Uzbekistan is estimated to number between 600,000 and a million. Religious observers note that the public celebration of Orthodox Christmas across Central Asia increasingly reflects a broader emphasis on social stability, interfaith dialogue, and state support for religious expression.
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Cathedral of the Assumption of the Blessed Virgin Mary in Tashkent[/caption]
For believers, the ability to freely celebrate Christmas is seen as a sign of social stability. In February 2025, Uzbekistan adopted a new policy framework for ensuring freedom of conscience and guiding state policy in the religious sphere. The Bible Society of Uzbekistan welcomed the initiative, describing it as vital for fostering interfaith dialogue and upholding the principles of a secular state.
In Kyrgyzstan, a festive service was held at the Holy Resurrection Cathedral and the Church of St. Vladimir, Equal to the Apostles, in Bishkek.
Throughout Central Asia, Orthodox Christmas is traditionally celebrated with a festive meal. At the center of the holiday table is kutya (or sochivo), a dish made from wheat grains, nuts, honey, dried fruit, and poppy seeds. It symbolizes prosperity, family unity, and eternal life.
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Kutya[/caption]
Like Catholic and Protestant Christmas, Orthodox Christmas is viewed as a time of miracles. Christmas trees remain decorated in homes after New Year’s, and the celebratory mood continues. On Christmas Eve, Orthodox Christians often go caroling. After the church service, young people dress in costumes and visit neighbors, singing songs that offer wishes of health and happiness. Hosts typically offer them food and drink. Today, this custom is often performed theatrically and can even be seen in public places such as supermarkets.
Many folk beliefs and superstitions are also tied to the holiday. For example, families observe who first crosses the threshold of the home on the morning of January 7. If it is a man, the household is believed to be blessed with good luck and prosperity for the year. Christmas also typically marks the onset of a cold snap in Central Asia, which continues until the holiday of Epiphany.
Observed across borders and traditions, Orthodox Christmas in Central Asia blends faith, folklore, and public life, serving both as a sacred celebration and a reflection of the region’s diverse religious fabric.
Taliban Remove Uzbek Language from Samangan University Sign
The Taliban have removed Uzbek and Persian inscriptions from the main signboard of Samangan University in northern Afghanistan, replacing them with a new sign written only in Pashto and English. The move, reported by Afghanistan International, has drawn criticism amid ongoing concerns about the marginalization of non-Pashtun languages and communities since the Taliban’s return to power in 2021. Sources told Afghanistan International that the change followed the appointment of a new university head. The previous sign, which featured the university’s name in four languages, Pashto, Persian, Uzbek, and English, was taken down and replaced approximately four days later with a version that excluded the Persian and Uzbek languages. Samangan province is home to a significant ethnic Uzbek population. The decision has provoked backlash from academics and former officials. Former Faryab governor Naqibullah Faiq condemned the move as “ethno-nationalist,” warning that such actions risk exacerbating ethnic and linguistic tensions in the country. In response, some Uzbek and Persian speakers have publicly called for the reinstatement of their languages on the university sign. Mohibullah Mohib, a lecturer at Samangan University, wrote on Facebook that the sign change coincided with the institution’s transition from an institute of higher education to a full-fledged university. According to Mohib, the Taliban’s Ministry of Higher Education ordered the new sign and formally rejected a request to include Uzbek. He added that the ministry's written response explicitly denied the inclusion of Uzbek alongside the other languages. This is not the first incident of its kind. In October, the Taliban removed Uzbek from the signboard of Jawzjan University, sparking widespread criticism. Following public outcry, Uzbek was later reinstated on that sign. Over the past four years, the Taliban have faced repeated accusations of sidelining minority languages such as Persian, Uzbek, and Turkmen, including by removing Persian-language signage from government buildings and erasing cultural symbols associated with Persian-speaking poets and writers. The latest incident has also drawn attention in Uzbekistan. Foreign Ministry spokesperson Akhror Burkhanov told Qalampir.uz that Tashkent is closely monitoring the situation. He emphasized that any potential restrictions on the Uzbek language are a serious concern for Uzbekistan. Burkhanov stated that Uzbekistan is maintaining an ongoing dialogue with Afghan authorities. According to him, Afghan officials have assured Tashkent that no restrictions on the Uzbek language are currently in place or planned. They have also reiterated their respect for Uzbekistan, the Uzbek language, and the Uzbek people.
Central Asia Can Depend on Azerbaijan for Path to West, Aliyev Says
Azerbaijan is the only “reliable country” that can geographically link Central Asia to the West because alternative routes face geopolitical turbulence, according to Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev.
Aliyev spoke about Azerbaijan’s prospects as a key conduit for commerce across borders as well as its deepening relationship with Central Asia during a wide-ranging interview with local television channels in Baku on Monday. He acknowledged that there is still work to be done before Azerbaijan can approach its full potential as what he called a “living bridge” for international trade.
The remarks followed a summit in Uzbekistan in November in which Central Asian leaders supported Azerbaijan’s accession to the region’s Consultative Meeting format as a full participant, even though Azerbaijan is in the South Caucasus. The Consultative Meeting format is a vehicle for high-level collaboration on trade, security, and other issues among Central Asian countries, which have taken steps to resolve border disputes and other sources of tension over the years.
“So many projects have been implemented in recent years that these countries have unanimously elected us as a full member. We can also consider this a great political and diplomatic success,” Aliyev said during the interview. His remarks were published by the state Azerbaijani Press Agency, or APA.
Referring to international connectivity, transport, and logistics, the president said, “Azerbaijan is the only reliable country that can geographically connect Central Asia with the West today,” and, without going into specifics, he alluded to the difficulties that some other trade channels face. Paths through Russia and Iran to the West, for example, are affected by sanctions and long-running political tensions.
“Of course, from a geographical point of view, other routes can also be used. However, taking into account the current geopolitical situation, we can say with complete certainty that alternative routes for the West cannot be considered acceptable,” Aliyev said.
He mentioned developing projects such as a November 2024 agreement involving Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, and Uzbekistan to lay a fiber-optic cable along the Caspian seabed, as well as China’s large-scale funding for the construction of another railway to the Caspian Sea via Kyrgyzstan and Uzbekistan.
“Freight traffic to the Caspian Sea, and therefore to Azerbaijan, will increase,” the Azerbaijani president said. “Along with Central Asian countries, additional freight from China will naturally increase the demand for the East–West route, the Middle Corridor.”
A September analysis by the Washington-based Jamestown research group suggested that prospects are bright for Azerbaijan, which has actively positioned itself as a trade hub since Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine in February 2022.
“Amid disruptions in both the northern and southern corridors, Azerbaijan has emerged as a critical logistics hub, offering a sanction-free, resilient, and stable environment to facilitate overland trade between the PRC (China) and Europe through the Middle Corridor,” analyst Yunis Sharifli wrote.
In addition, Azerbaijan expects cargo from China and Central Asia to travel along a proposed route that would link the main part of Azerbaijan to the separate Azerbaijani area of Nakhchivan, passing through Armenia and then joining with Türkiye and European markets beyond. Such a link would make land trade between East Asia and Europe more efficient, though Armenia is concerned that the plan threatens its sovereignty.
In August, Aliyev and Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan met in Washington with U.S. President Donald Trump acting as a mediator in the peace initiative between the former battlefield foes.
Uzbek Migrants Face Growing Risks in Russia as Tashkent Seeks Probe Into Alleged Abuse
Russian security forces reportedly carried out a raid on a café in Khabarovsk in mid-December 2025, during which several Central Asian migrants were allegedly beaten. According to information circulated on social media, two Uzbek citizens fell into a coma following the incident, and one of them subsequently died. On January 2, Uzbekistan’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs announced it had sent a diplomatic note to Russia requesting an impartial and lawful investigation. The ministry also said steps were being taken to repatriate the deceased’s body. However, it noted that the cause of death has not been officially confirmed, and reports of a second Uzbek in a coma remain unverified. In response to the incident, Alisher Qodirov, member of parliament and leader of the Milliy Tiklanish (National Revival) Democratic Party, issued a stark warning to Uzbek migrants in Russia. “Believe me, the situation will only get worse month by month,” Qodirov wrote on Telegram. “Russian security services see Central Asians as potential participants in future unrest, and they have already given up on any benefit migrants may bring... Use your common sense and leave Russia as soon as possible,” he added. “No income is worth the tears of your parents and children.” As Russia’s war against Ukraine enters its fourth year, labor migrants remain among the most vulnerable and least protected groups affected by the conflict. Central Asian nationals, particularly Uzbeks, face increasing risks of coercion, legal jeopardy, and systemic abuse. By July 2025, at least 902 Uzbek citizens were reported to have been recruited by Russia to fight in Ukraine. Independent monitors believe the true figure is considerably higher. In October 2025, the ‘I want to live’ project identified 2,715 Uzbek nationals who had participated in the conflict, including those recruited illegally, those who signed contracts, and ethnic Uzbeks already serving in the Russian military. Despite this, Russia remains heavily reliant on migrant labor. As of September 1, 2024, nearly four million citizens from Central Asia were living in Russia. Of these, 1.79 million were from Uzbekistan, followed by significant numbers from Tajikistan, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, and Turkmenistan. For Uzbekistan, the economic implications of growing pressure on migrants are profound. Remittances remain a cornerstone of the national economy. In the first half of 2025 alone, Uzbekistan received $8.2 billion in cross-border transfers, with 78% originating from Russia. Amid rising xenophobia and labor restrictions, economists warn that this dependence could have severe long-term consequences. Economist Abdulla Abdukadirov, Doctor of Economic Sciences, said total remittances by year-end are expected to approach $20 billion. “This is an extremely large sum,” Abdukadirov said at an offline session of the Fikrat analytical program, responding to a question from The Times of Central Asia. “If the state budget is around $28 billion, then nearly $20 billion in remittances reveals how dependent our economy is becoming on external sources.” Abdukadirov warned that Uzbekistan is developing a dangerous structural dependency. “First, we’re becoming more reliant on external investments and borrowing,” he said. “Second, our dependence on cross-border remittances is deepening.” According to Abdukadirov, roughly one-third of remittances, about $7-8 billion, is spent on current consumption. An additional $5-6 billion goes to goods purchases and supporting small businesses. The remainder is generally saved in banks and continues to circulate domestically. “These transfers play a key role in sustaining overall demand,” he said. “They help maintain consumption levels.” However, Abdukadirov cautioned that this model carries a high long-term cost. “We are gradually turning into a country that survives by exporting unskilled labor,” he told TCA. Abdukadirov outlined three critical risks: growing exposure to external shocks, declining competitiveness of the domestic economy, and an entrenched dependency on exporting cheap labor. “This is a very serious threat,” he said, warning that while the inflow of money appears beneficial in the short term, the broader consequences are alarming. Analysts and rights groups argue that migrants are increasingly treated as a potential military reserve. Some are enticed with financial incentives; others are coerced under threat of imprisonment. Despite repeated warnings from Uzbekistan’s Foreign Ministry that participation in the war could lead to criminal charges at home, many migrants feel compelled to go, driven by debt, poverty, and a lack of alternatives. Political analyst Hamid Sodiq said the root of the problem predates the war. “This is not a new problem,” he told The Times of Central Asia. “Constructive preparation should have happened before the crisis began. Diversification should have started years ago. Once the problem starts, you can only deal with the consequences.” Sodiq highlighted the vulnerability of migrants due to low education, poor language skills, and limited legal awareness. “They do not speak the language well. They don’t understand the political system. They can’t go to democratic countries because they lack the skills,” he said. “In this situation, the only thing we can realistically do is strengthen the information space and reach every migrant.” He noted that interest in learning English has grown significantly since 2016. “You can see this in IELTS scores. Change takes time.” Sodiq added that the government’s support for English education is driven more by economics than social goals. “It’s not promoting English because people love it. It’s doing so because migrants who know English earn more.” Such migrants, he added, often work in safer conditions and return home healthier. “Otherwise, we’re talking about billions of dollars that look good today, but in ten years we’ll be facing a public health crisis with back injuries, hernias, or trauma.” Individual cases reflect this systemic vulnerability. In December, Ukrainian blogger Dmytro Karpenko published an Instagram interview with a man claiming to be an Uzbek citizen. The man said he was falsely accused of drug trafficking in Russia, detained for six days, and tortured. He was allegedly offered a choice: fight in Ukraine for one year or serve at least 12.5 years in prison. Commenting on the speed of the case, Karpenko noted that, “I’ve never heard of a verdict in six days. It seems this only applies to Uzbek citizens.” Neither the Russian nor Uzbek authorities have commented, though similar stories have surfaced repeatedly. Another case highlights the longer-term consequences migrants face. According to Uzdiplomat, a 38-year-old Uzbek man who traveled to Novosibirsk in April 2025 without proper documents was detained and forcibly recruited into the Russian military. After participating in combat in Luhansk and Donetsk, he deliberately injured himself with a grenade to avoid further deployment, then fled Russia. Upon his return to Uzbekistan, he was sentenced to three years under Article 154 of the Criminal Code for mercenarism. “These cases show that migrants are trapped on all sides,” said Sodiq. “They are used as soldiers, as laborers, and as scapegoats. Historically, the weakest group is always exploited first.” Sodiq argues that governments now have limited tools. “We can no longer influence their income. But we can influence their awareness. That is the only realistic option.” This message is gaining in urgency as Russia prepares to tighten labor regulations again in 2026. Migrants will be banned from working in alcohol and tobacco sales, pharmacies, markets, and mobile retail. Their share in construction will be reduced from 80% to 50%, with similar cuts in agriculture, forestry, and transport. “In the current situation, reaching people’s minds is the only option left,” said Sodiq. “That is precisely the purpose of the Fikrat analytical program.”
Uzbekistan Has “Only Just Begun” Reforms, Says Saida Mirziyoyeva
Saida Mirziyoyeva has said that the country’s reform agenda remains at an early stage, arguing that the scale of change should be measured in years rather than months. In her first major interview since becoming Head of the Presidential Administration, Mirziyoyeva said Uzbekistan had “only just begun” large-scale reforms. Expectations of rapid results, she warned, often overlook structural limits, including weak infrastructure, uneven regional development, and tight public finances. Mirziyoyeva spoke about decision-making inside the presidential system and outlined what she described as the administration’s main policy priorities, including water management, education, healthcare, the business climate, and reform of the judicial and legal system. “Our goal is to improve people’s lives,” she stated, emphasizing that improvements in courts and law enforcement were essential for other reforms to succeed. Without legal guarantees, she argued, investment and social policy changes would fail to deliver lasting results. She said the reforms now underway are intended to address long-standing systemic problems rather than produce quick political gains, and rejected the idea that reform momentum has slowed, arguing that many of the most complex changes require time and careful implementation to succeed. Water management featured prominently in her remarks. Mirziyoyeva described it as one of Uzbekistan’s most urgent challenges, pointing to climate pressures, ageing infrastructure, and rising demand. Education and healthcare were also presented as priorities, with reforms focused on improving quality and access rather than simply expanding state programs. The judicial system, however, emerged as the central theme. Mirziyoyeva said that without independent and predictable courts, reforms in other areas would not deliver lasting results. Legal uncertainty, she said, discourages investment and undermines public trust, making the rule of law essential for both economic reform and the protection of citizens’ rights. Mirziyoyeva also addressed the business environment, arguing that excessive regulation and administrative pressure continue to constrain private enterprise. The state, she said, should act as a partner to entrepreneurs rather than an obstacle, and reforms should create conditions in which businesses can operate transparently and competitively. Mirziyoyeva described her role as focused on coordination and execution rather than public visibility. The task of the Presidential Administration, she said, is to ensure that decisions taken at the top translate into practical change on the ground. Public service, she added, should be judged by outcomes, not rhetoric. The interview comes more than nine years after President Shavkat Mirziyoyev took office in December 2016 and launched a reform agenda that marked a break with the isolationist policies of his predecessor. Early measures included the liberalisation of the foreign exchange market in September 2017, easing trade restrictions, and reducing state control over prices. International financial institutions have described Uzbekistan’s economic transition as ambitious, while noting that progress has been uneven. Political reform has proceeded more cautiously. In its 2024 Nations in Transit assessment, Freedom House classified Uzbekistan as a consolidated authoritarian system, citing restrictions on opposition activity and independent media. Against that backdrop, Mirziyoyeva said reforms should be judged by tangible outcomes rather than timelines. Reliable access to clean water, better schools and hospitals, and fair treatment in courts, she argued, matter more to citizens than official assurances. Only when those changes become visible, she said, can Uzbekistan’s reform process be said to have moved beyond its initial stage.
Central Asia Watches as Venezuela Drama Unfolds
Governments in Central Asia have not made any public comment, so far, on the U.S. military operation that captured Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro, at a time when relations between Central Asian countries and the administration of President Donald Trump are growing closer. The operation on Saturday involved more than 150 American aircraft and extracted Maduro and his wife, Cilia Flores, from their compound in Caracas, prompting celebrations from many Venezuelan expatriates who viewed Maduro as a dictator, criticism from countries including Russia and China, and concerns that the complex attack violated international law. Additional questions about Venezuela’s sovereignty emerged after Trump said the United States will “run” the country ahead of a transition and that American oil companies will help to rebuild its oil infrastructure. The U.S. has argued that Maduro himself effectively hijacked Venezuelan sovereignty through electoral fraud, repression and by allegedly funneling illegal drugs to the U.S. Maduro, who has been indicted on narco-terrorism and other charges, denies the allegations. Countries in Central Asia are more than 10,000 kilometers away from Venezuela and their trade with the Latin American country is minimal, suggesting the uncertain and evolving situation there lies far outside their immediate area of interest. In May, Tokayev met Maduro in Moscow and invited him to visit Kazakhstan after describing Venezuela as an important partner. “However, he acknowledged that, due to objective reasons, significant achievements in bilateral cooperation have yet to be realized,” Tokayev’s office said at the time. Still, Tokayev and other Central Asian leaders have spoken in general terms of their adherence to United Nations principles of sovereignty, an issue that is being vigorously debated in some international circles after the U.S. military operation. U.N. Secretary-General António Guterres, who visited Central Asia in 2024 and 2025, has said that the U.S. military operation that extracted Maduro to New York constitutes a "dangerous precedent" and that he was concerned that the rules of international law had not been respected. The U.S. capture of the leader of oil-rich Venezuela has not had a major impact for now on global oil prices, indicating that Central Asia’s oil and natural gas producers will not see any big fallout. Even so, at a time of ongoing geopolitical tension, a major shock or event in one region could influence distant regions in ways that are difficult to discern. Russia and China, which are close trading partners with Central Asia and nurtured trade and political ties with Maduro’s government, condemned the U.S. military operation in Venezuela. But the Central Asian countries – Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan and Turkmenistan – have not joined in the criticism, much as they have refrained from publicly supporting any side over Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. Central Asia’s balancing act reflects efforts to maintain good ties with major powers even when they are in conflict, and comes during a period of increasing trade collaboration with the United States. The five leaders from Central Asia traveled to Washington in November for a summit with Trump, who later invited Tokayev and President Shavkat Mirziyoyev of Uzbekistan to the G20 summit, which the U.S. plans to hold in Miami in 2026. Central Asian media are reporting Maduro’s capture, and regional governments could still comment once circumstances surrounding U.S. intentions in Venezuela become clearer.
Kazakhstan’s MOST Ventures Invests in Uzbek Startup Bito, Valuing Company at $10 Million
Kazakhstan-based venture capital firm MOST Ventures has acquired a stake in Uzbekistan’s Bito, marking a significant cross-border investment in Central Asia’s growing tech ecosystem. The deal, completed in Tashkent on December 25 as part of a Bridge funding round, values the B2B software company at $10 million, a milestone that reflects rising investor confidence in Uzbekistan’s startup landscape. Bito is a business-to-business software-as-a-service (SaaS) company and a resident of Startup Garage, a leading Central Asian venture studio and accelerator. The company offers a digital ecosystem that integrates enterprise resource planning (ERP), financial technology, and artificial intelligence into a unified operating system tailored for small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs). Its platform allows businesses to manage sales, finance, inventory, HR, payments, installment services, and analytics, all in one interface aimed at improving operational transparency and decision-making. The Bridge round represents a pivotal moment in Bito’s growth trajectory. The company reported that its valuation has tripled over the past ten months, though it has not disclosed the total amount raised. The investment will fund continued product development and regional expansion, with a primary focus on the Uzbek and Kazakh markets. As part of the transaction, Startup Garage partially exited its position in Bito. The accelerator played a crucial role in the company’s early-stage development, supporting product design, market entry, and initial scaling. Startup Garage founder Mukhammad Khalil said the deal highlights the increasing maturity of Central Asia’s startup ecosystem and its ability to attract institutional capital. “This transaction shows that companies in the region can secure funding based on strong fundamentals and sustainable growth,” he said. Bito founder Uchqun Tulavov called the investment a validation of the company’s strategic vision. “We are not simply building a product, we are setting a new standard for digital infrastructure for small and medium-sized businesses across the region,” he said. “The support of MOST Ventures confirms our direction as we integrate ERP, fintech, and AI into a unified operating platform.” Following the funding round, Bito plans to accelerate its regional footprint while consolidating its role as a leading B2B SaaS provider in Central Asia.
Sunkar Podcast
Central Asia and the Troubled Southern Route
