Kazakh President Picks New Economy Minister Amid Reforms, Uncertainty
Kazakh President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev replaced the economy minister on Saturday, a move that came as Kazakhstan struggles with a depreciating currency even though it earned international praise for economic prudence in recent months. The Cabinet change also comes ahead of the January inauguration of U.S. President-elect Donald Trump, who has warned of more tariffs in his second term. Nurlan Baibazarov, who was appointed as deputy prime minister and national economy minister in February, was replaced by Serik Zhumangarin, an experienced hand whose previous posts included deputy economy minister, trade minister and head of Kazakhstan’s Agency for Protection and Development of Competition. He was also among the several deputy prime ministers in the Cabinet and retains that title as well. Zhumangarin was tasked in his new job with ensuring Kazakhstan’s economic growth, implementing structural changes and improving budget and tax policies, according to the prime minister’s office. “In addition, the Ministry of National Economy needs to pursue a balanced policy of business support and a balanced policy of tariff regulation in order to ensure economic growth in priority sectors,” the office said. While global economic policy-makers are preparing for uncertainty over planned tariffs and other measures when Trump takes office, the president-elect and Tokayev agreed in a telephone conversation this month to collaborate on trade, investment and other areas. In September, the Moody's Ratings agency upgraded Kazakhstan's long-term local and foreign currency issuer ratings to Baa1 from Baa2 and changed the outlook to stable from positive. Moody’s applauded institutional and economic reforms in Kazakhstan, as well as efforts to diversify and move away from hydrocarbons, but warned of the risk of geopolitical tensions and “secondary” sanctions related to Western economic pressure on Russia because of the war in Ukraine. In October, the International Monetary Fund predicted GDP growth in Kazakhstan of 3.9% for 2024, with growth expected to increase in 2025 despite uncertainty. It applauded what it called Kazakhstan’s tight monetary policy and commitment to exchange rate flexibility. Even so, Kazakhstan’s currency later came under increased pressure. The central bank said early this month that it had spent more than $1 billion in foreign exchange interventions since mid-November in an effort to stabilize the declining currency, which passed the threshold of 500 tenge to the U.S. dollar and hit record lows. Kazakh officials attributed the drop to the global appreciation of the dollar, a decrease in oil prices, the falling Russian ruble and other factors. Born in 1969 in Aktobe, Kazakhstan, Zhumangarin, the new economy minister, has also worked on competition and antitrust regulation for the Eurasian Economic Commission, a regulatory body that oversees the Eurasian Economic Union. The group aims at integrating the economies of the former Soviet states of Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Russia, Armenia and Belarus.
Kazakhstan’s Construction Sector Pushes for Easier Access to Migrant Labor
The Chairman of the Union of Builders of Kazakhstan (UBK), Talgat Yergaliyev, has called for simplifying the hiring process for foreign labor in Kazakhstan’s construction industry, citing a severe workforce shortage.
“Today, our young people prefer office jobs, and no one wants to work in production. Year after year, the number of workers in the labor market is shrinking, and even government agencies are facing staffing shortages. In the construction industry, this problem is even more pronounced,” Yergaliyev said during a joint press conference with the National Chamber of Entrepreneurs of Kazakhstan, Atameken. “That’s why we propose following Russia’s example by attracting foreign labor to the construction sector.”
However, Yergaliyev noted that Kazakhstan lacks mechanisms to support the large-scale hiring of migrant workers. By comparison, Russian construction companies pay 80,000 rubles ($790) annually for a patent to hire foreign workers, while a similar permit in Kazakhstan costs construction firms nearly double—700,000 KZT ($1,300) or more.
Yergaliyev also acknowledged that low wages are a significant factor deterring Kazakhs from working in construction. “To retain Kazakhstani workers on construction sites today, they must be paid between $800 and $2,000. Otherwise, they will move to other sectors where the work is less demanding,” he explained.
The labor shortage in Kazakhstan's construction industry is reaching critical levels. According to The Times of Central Asia, there are currently about 111,000 unfilled vacancies in the sector, and authorities project that this deficit could double by 2030. Despite this growing need, Kazakhstan’s Ministry of Labor and Social Protection reduced the foreign labor quota in November, potentially exacerbating the issue.
Yergaliyev's proposal underscores the urgent need to address the labor shortfall while balancing fair wages for local workers with the costs of hiring migrant labor.
Moldovan Businessmen Hail Tokayev’s Role in Resolving Stati Dispute
On December 18, the protracted legal dispute between Kazakh authorities and Moldovan businessmen Anatol and Gabriel Stati over oil and gas assets was finally resolved. Following the agreement, the Stati representatives expressed gratitude to Kazakh President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev for his leadership in reaching the settlement.
The Ministry of Justice of Kazakhstan reported that the resolution concludes a legal saga that spanned 15 years and impacted Kazakhstan's reputation as an investment-friendly nation. The ministry stated that the government, the National Bank of Kazakhstan, and the Stati parties, with the support of Tristan Oil’s leading creditors, successfully finalized the settlement process.
“The signed Final Settlement Agreement forms the basis for the termination of all ongoing disputes, with no possibility of reopening them in the future. The specific terms of the agreement remain confidential,” the Ministry of Justice emphasized.
Daniel Chapman, CEO of Argentem Creek Partners - investment manager for funds that are creditors of Tristan Oil Limited, the Stati family’s investment vehicle - praised the resolution. “This settlement and Kazakhstan’s approach to ensuring a fair resolution underscore the country’s respect for investor rights. We thank President Tokayev for his leadership, which has positively reshaped how foreign investors view Kazakhstan. We look forward to collaborating on new projects,” Chapman said.
Kazakhstan’s Minister of Justice, Azamat Yeskarayev, noted the settlement’s significance for the nation’s economic future. “The resolution of this longstanding dispute creates additional opportunities for economic growth and investment,” he said, emphasizing that no funds from the national budget were used in the settlement process.
The case had involved extensive litigation across multiple jurisdictions over 15 years. While the exact legal costs incurred by Kazakhstan remain undisclosed, the settlement signals a major step forward in resolving disputes with foreign investors and rebuilding trust.
Central Asia’s Pivotal Role in the Global Energy Transition
The United States and Europe are driving a global shift from fossil fuels to renewable energy, though progress has been slow. Central Asia’s oil, gas, uranium, and green hydrogen resources are expected to remain vital for Europe and global energy security for years to come. Within Central Asia, a shift to cleaner natural gas and nuclear energy is anticipated to replace coal-fired power, reducing environmental harm. Europe’s push for electrification has also renewed focus on nuclear energy, increasing the strategic and commercial value of Central Asia’s uranium deposits.
On December 16, 2024, The Times of Central Asia, in cooperation with the Central Asia-Caucasus Institute and the American Foreign Policy Council, hosted a Burgut Expert Talk titled, "Central Asia in the Energy Transition". The event featured presentations by Dr. Svante Cornell and Dr. Brenda Shaffer, who outlined their takes on the topic. The discussion focused on Central Asia’s significant role in the global energy landscape, particularly in light of the push for renewable energy and Europe's efforts to diversify its energy sources.
Challenging the notion of a true "energy transition," Shaffer argued that despite substantial investment in renewable energy, fossil fuels remain dominant. Shaffer pointed out that traditional biomass burning continues to be a major energy source in developing countries, posing significant health risks. Highlighting the fact that renewables often rely on a baseload of fossil fuels, Shaffer noted that this makes complete reliance on renewables impractical, especially in regions with harsh winters, such as Central Asia.
Dr. Shaffer further emphasized that European policies, including the reluctance to finance fossil fuel projects and the instability of U.S. LNG exports, serve to hinder diversification efforts. Stressing the need for affordable and accessible energy solutions - particularly for developing countries - to address the issue of indoor pollution caused by traditional biomass burning, she argued that natural gas can serve as a bridge fuel, offering a cleaner alternative to traditional methods.
Dr. Cornell focused on the rising importance of Central Asia as a major uranium producer, supplying a crucial element for nuclear energy, which is gaining renewed interest as a low-carbon energy source. Cornell highlighted the dependence of the EU on uranium imports and the potential for Central Asia, particularly Kazakhstan, to play a pivotal role in supplying this demand.
Outlining the geopolitical dynamics surrounding uranium, Cornell noted the involvement of France, Russia, and China in Central Asia's uranium sector, emphasizing the importance of Central Asian states maintaining a balance in their foreign relations and partnering with various countries to ensure their independence in the uranium market.
Drawing parallels to the oil and gas diplomacy of the 1990s - when Central Asian countries strategically engaged with multiple actors to safeguard their interests - Cornell advocated for the development of a robust domestic nuclear industry in Central Asia, enabling the region to move beyond raw material production and gain greater control over the value chain. Cornell also stressed the need for Western powers to actively engage in the region's nuclear sector, supporting the development of infrastructure and expertise.
The discussion also addressed the internal energy needs of Central Asia, recognizing the competing demands of domestic consumption and export potential. Shaffer pointed out that Central Asia itself is a potential market for its gas resources, advocating for greater regional cooperation and the development of rational gas flows within the region. Shaffer also highlighted the importance of transportation infrastructure and the need for diversification of export routes for landlocked countries, such as those in Central Asia.
The experts addressed the concept of a "green energy corridor" from Central Asia to Europe, emphasizing the potential for virtual trading arrangements, where increased renewable energy production in Central Asia could free up natural gas for export. Cornell noted growing regional cooperation between Azerbaijan, Uzbekistan, and Kazakhstan, particularly in integrating their power grids, which could enhance the region's energy resilience and foster greater independence.
In their concluding remarks, both experts highlighted the strategic importance of Central Asia in the evolving global energy landscape. Cornell pointed to the potential for reviving the long-discussed Trans-Caspian pipeline project, particularly in light of Russia's reorientation towards Eastern markets. He also emphasized the strategic significance of the South Caucasus as a vital link between the Caspian Sea and Europe, advocating for greater Western engagement with Azerbaijan to facilitate energy transit.
Shaffer, meanwhile, stressed the critical role of Central Asia and the Caucasus as a buffer zone between major geopolitical blocs, underscoring the importance of maintaining stability and open trade relations with these countries, especially considering geopolitical uncertainties in neighboring regions. Shaffer concluded with a powerful message: "If you have no gas, you're going to have dung," highlighting the necessity of realistic and accessible energy solutions for a sustainable future.
The Burgut Expert Talk on "Central Asia in the Energy Transition" provided insights into the complex dynamics shaping the global energy landscape and the crucial role Central Asia plays in this evolving scenario. A full recording of the event can be viewed on YouTube, and further analysis is available on the Central Asia Caucuses Institute Substack.
Rosatom Exits Key Uranium Ventures in Kazakhstan Amid Strategic Shifts
Uranium One Group, a subsidiary of State Atomic Energy Corporation Rosatom. has announced its withdrawal from uranium projects in Kazakhstan. This decision coincides with Kazakhstan’s ongoing selection of operators for a consortium tasked with constructing the country’s first nuclear power plant.
According to Kazatomprom (KAP), Uranium One Group has sold its 49.979% stake in the Zarechnoye joint venture to SNURDC Astana Mining Company Limited. The ultimate beneficiary of the acquiring party is China’s State Nuclear Uranium Resources Development Co., Ltd. Kazatomprom retains its 49.979% stake in the venture. The Zarechnoye joint venture, operational since its discovery in 1977, extracts uranium from the Zarechnoye deposit in Kazakhstan’s Turkestan region. As of early 2024, the deposit holds approximately 3,500 tons of uranium ore, with mining operations expected to conclude by 2028. In addition, Uranium One Group is set to divest its 30% stakes in the Khorasan-U and Kyzylkum joint ventures to China Uranium Development Company Limited, a subsidiary of China General Nuclear Power Corporation (CGN). The transaction awaits the completion of closing procedures. Kazatomprom’s share in these ventures remains unchanged, with 50% ownership in Khorasan-U and a 50% indirect interest in Kyzylkum. Khorasan-U operates in the Zhanakorgan district of the Kyzylorda region, mining uranium from the Khorasan-1 section of the North Khorasan deposit. This deposit contains reserves of approximately 33,000 tons of uranium as of 2024, with mining projected to continue until 2038. Meanwhile, Kyzylkum focuses on processing uranium from Khorasan-U but does not hold subsoil usage rights, restricting its activities to processing. Kazatomprom has prioritized replenishing its mineral resource base, recently securing four new licenses for uranium exploration. These areas are estimated to contain over 180,000 tons of uranium, which Kazatomprom plans to develop independently. In November 2023, Kazakhstan’s Ministry of Ecology and Natural Resources reported environmental violations at the Zarechnoye joint venture. Soil samples revealed excessive concentrations of sulfuric acid, prompting authorities to issue directives for remediation. Kazakh political analyst Daniyar Ashimbayev highlighted that Kazatomprom oversees 14 subsidiaries, including joint ventures with Japan, France, Russia, Kyrgyzstan, and China. These partnerships underscore Kazakhstan’s significant role in the global uranium market. China and Russia remain the largest importers of Kazakh uranium. From January to October 2023, Kazakhstan exported $2.46 billion worth of uranium, with $922.7 million going to China and $1.2 billion to Russia. Several nations are vying for inclusion in the consortium that will construct Kazakhstan’s first nuclear power plant. During a state visit to Kazakhstan, Russian President Vladimir Putin emphasized Rosatom’s advanced nuclear technologies. Valentina Matvienko, Speaker of Russia’s Federation Council, underscored Kazakhstan’s interest in Rosatom’s involvement. However, President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev has yet to finalize the decision. Kazakhstan’s Energy Minister, Almasadam Satkaliyev, has recently visited South Korea, France, and China to explore nuclear energy partnerships. Political analyst Gaziz Abishev affirmed this diplomatic outreach as a strategic effort to secure the most advantageous terms for Kazakhstan, ensuring that competing nations present their best proposals.
Central Asia’s Role in Europe’s Energy Future: Insights from Samuel Doveri Vesterbye
The Times of Central Asia sat down with Samuel Doveri Vesterbye, Director of European Neighbourhood Council, a research organization funded by the EU and by Member States, to discuss prospects for the further development of the EU's relations with Central Asia. TCA: How significant is Central Asia for Europe's energy diversification strategy, especially in light of the need to reduce dependency on Russian gas? Europe needs energy. Since the revolution in shale gas production and liquefied natural gas (LNG) transport, it’s clear that European energy has become more diversified, particularly since Russia’s war against Ukraine. Reliance on Russia has decreased, while importation of U.S., African and Asian LNG has increased. Pipeline gas from Azerbaijan and renewable energy are both important and rising sources of diversification. The problem is that Europe doesn’t only need energy; it needs inexpensive energy, preferably in terms of pipeline gas. This is why the Caspian region, home to some of the world’s largest natural gas reserves, is important. That’s one significant reason for Europe’s renewed interest in the region. TCA: What are the key energy projects connecting Central Asia to Europe, and what obstacles do they face in becoming viable alternatives? In 2022–2023, the EU and the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development (EBRD) financed and conducted the biggest connectivity study about Central Asia to date. This study outlined the full capacity, potential, and challenges of trans-Caspian infrastructure and regulatory connectivity. It has become a key roadmap for all governments involved, as well as for the private sector and international investors in renewables, gas, transport, and other types of logistical infrastructure. In January and February 2024, the EU, together with international financial institutions, provided over €10 billion in low-interest loans and grants for the construction of energy and transport infrastructure cross-regionally. This amount represents over 50% of the investment needs estimated and outlined in the EBRD study. It is a strong indication of Europe’s political and financial dedication towards the region. TCA: How can Central Asian economies benefit from closer economic ties with Europe, particularly through energy trade? Central Asia has significantly increased its economic engagement with the European Union. In less than a decade, the EU has become Kazakhstan’s biggest trade partner in the world, ahead of China, Russia and the United States. Uzbekistan is taking a similar direction to Kazakhstan, and is about to sign an Enhanced Partnership and Cooperation Agreement (EPCA) with Brussels covering energy, politics, security, trade, and natural resources among many other issue-areas. For Central Asia, its new relationship with the EU is strategically intelligent, as the region ceases to be only a part of so-called “Chinese transit trade”. TCA: What economic reforms are necessary in Central Asia to align with European standards and attract more investment in energy sectors? The relationship with the EU allows Central Asia to increase its trade and gain new technology as it also benefits from industrialization. Both Europe and Central Asia are full of small and medium-sized nations who are often under pressure from great powers. Central Asia can build long-term energy relations with Europe, instead of only over-relying on Russia and China. By diversifying its trade relations, the region can thereby gain strategic sovereignty regarding prices and security of supply. This is the case not only for natural gas and oil, but also for renewable sources like solar, wind, hydrogen, and hydro-electric, as well as nuclear. TCA: What potential do you see for renewable energy in Central Asia? Renewable energy has high potential in Central Asia for two primary reasons. Critical raw materials (CRMs) are abundantly available in Central Asia and those same CRMs are needed for renewable energy generation. In addition, a country like Kazakhstan, for example, has a great deal of unused open space, while solar panels and wind farms need such open space to function at cost effective levels. TCA: What is the current state of energy infrastructure in Central Asia, and how can European investment help modernize it? The state of energy infrastructure in Central Asia has been dominated by Russian contracts, maintenance, and construction. The EU’s recent financing of green corridor projects, which includes renewables, is an important and financially significant step towards more regional energy infrastructure. It also encourages cross-Caspian energy developments. In addition, huge investments into solar and wind by Middle Eastern financiers are also changing the landscape of energy across the region. TCA: What are the most promising areas for EU–Central Asia energy cooperation over the next decade? What are the implications of EU energy policies on Central Asian countries' export strategies? The most promising cooperation on energy between Central Asia and Europe over the next decade is in the renewables, nuclear, and gas sectors. The first step should be for Central Asia to develop its own secure supply for affordable energy for industrial and supply chain purposes. This will benefit both European and Central Asian industry. A logical second step would be for Europe to connect with the region through energy infrastructure that would allow Central Asia to export this energy westward. TCA: Where do you see Central Asia fitting into Europe's long-term energy strategy, considering both traditional and renewable sources? What are the security risks associated with energy supply routes from Central Asia to Europe, and how can these be mitigated? The main security risk associated with energy and connectivity between the EU and Central Asia arises from the volatile geopolitical environment. Europe aims for a multi-corridor and diversified policy vis-à-vis energy, CRMs and trade globally. Security is high on the agenda because corridors increasingly face conflict, terrorism, and other barriers which hike up prices, decrease security of supply and overall disrupt relations. In the case of the trans-Caspian corridor, its vital that the protection of critical energy and other infrastructure is guaranteed by the EU and Central Asia. It is crucial that the EU invests and works closely with other regional powers like Türkiye, as well as Azerbaijan, Georgia and Armenia in order to solve any conflict risks that could jeopardize connectivity development. TCA: Thank you for taking the time to talk with us. It was a pleasure.
Kazakhstan Offers Neutral Ground for Peace Talks, Says Deputy Minister Vassilenko
Kazakhstan’s Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs, Roman Vassilenko, has expressed hope for ending global conflicts, reiterating Kazakhstan's readiness to provide a platform for dialogue. Vasilenko made the remarks at the World Policy Conference held in Abu Dhabi.
“I am an optimist by nature and hope that wars will stop. This applies to the ongoing conflicts in Ukraine and the Middle East,” Vasilenko said in an interview.
The Deputy Minister underscored Kazakhstan’s neutral stance, highlighting the country’s balanced diplomatic relations with Russia and Western nations. “We hope that by the end of this year or possibly next year, Armenia and Azerbaijan will sign a peace treaty. We have offered to host this event in Kazakhstan,” Vasilenko stated.
Vasilenko also emphasized the European Union's significance in Kazakhstan’s economic development and international partnerships.
“The EU is our largest trade partner and investor. It is the largest market for Kazakhstani oil and a vital source of technology and investment. We are collaborating with the EU to develop the Middle Corridor, a trade route connecting Central Asia with Europe via the Caspian Sea and the South Caucasus. Progress has already been made. For instance, over the next three years, we aim to quadruple the volume of cargo transported along this route,” he noted.
Kazakhstan continues to position itself as a bridge between dialogue and cooperation, leveraging its strategic geographic location and balanced foreign policy.
How Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan Anchor a Strategic Middle-Power Hub in Central Asia
Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan are driving Central Asia’s global significance. Together, they are turning Central Asia into a strategic middle-power hub. The two countries increasingly act as central nodes in a region key to global supply chains and, inevitably, geopolitical competition. However, they are not merely reactive to changes around them, but are highly dynamic. What does it mean to say that the region is emerging as a strategic middle-power "hub"? The notion of a hub extends beyond the national profiles of the two principals, Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan, to include the aggregation of collective influence. Central Asia is recognized as a cohesive entity in global forums. Kazakhstan’s energy wealth combines with Uzbekistan’s demographic strength, creating an influential synergy beneficial to the entire region. The interplay between their respective strengths allows them to amplify Central Asia’s voice in international institutions and negotiations collectively. By integrating their regional strategies within global frameworks — such as the Organization of Turkic States (OTS), the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO), and the Conference on Interaction and Confidence Building Measures in Asia (CICA) — Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan enhance the region’s geopolitical relevance. Kazakhstan, for example, has successfully advocated for the Trans-Caspian International Transport Route (TITR, also called the "Middle Corridor"). This transcontinental trade route is emerging as a lynchpin in Eurasian logistics, connecting China to Europe via the Caspian Sea. Uzbekistan, for its part, has emphasized the integration of transport and energy infrastructure. These initiatives align with the broader vision of a unified Central Asia. The leadership of Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan has reinforced the region's collective identity as the "C5" group, also including Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, and Turkmenistan. This regional bloc has become a diplomatic focal point for major powers like the United States, China, Germany, and Japan. All of them engage with Central Asia through structured consultations within the C5 framework. These meetings have given the region traction in international diplomacy. The elevation of the C5 group reflects the region's new prominence. The United States engages with the C5 on issues ranging from regional security to sustainable development, emphasizing its commitment to a secure and prosperous Central Asia. China’s cooperation under the C5+1 mechanism complements its transcontinental infrastructure initiatives. Germany focuses on sustainable energy and governance, while Japan prioritizes infrastructure and technology transfers. Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan together have over two-thirds of the region's gross domestic product and two-thirds of its population. Kazakhstan's vast natural resources undergird its economic influence, while its geographic expanse (as the ninth-largest country in the world) makes it central to major connectivity initiatives. Through President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev's nuanced foreign policy, Kazakhstan has adeptly balanced relationships with major powers, ensuring that it remains a key partner for Russia, China, and the European Union. Uzbekistan has surged to prominence through its ambitious domestic reforms and proactive engagement for regional cooperation under the leadership of President Shavkat Mirziyoyev, who has implemented market liberalization measures attracting foreign investment and reinvigorating its economy. As the most populous country in Central Asia, Uzbekistan is an indispensable actor in regional affairs. Uzbekistan’s strategic geographic position between Central and South Asia also enables it to play a key role in emerging connectivity projects linking Central Asia’s resources to South Asia’s burgeoning markets. The challenges to this strategic middle-power hub are multifaceted. Coordination between Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan is essential but not always straightforward, as national interests and priorities occasionally diverge. Moreover, the region remains subject to external pressures from major external powers, each of which seeks to shape Central Asia in alignment with its own strategic goals. Gaps in infrastructure connectivity among the Central Asian states and economic disparities between them also pose obstacles to realizing the region's full potential. Despite these challenges, there are immense opportunities for Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan to consolidate Central Asia’s role as a strategic middle-power hub. Their collaboration, coupled with the broader C5 framework, is starting to transform the region into a key player in global geopolitics. This development holds the potential for influencing economic and political outcomes far beyond the borders of Central Asia. If Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan continue to act together as stabilizers and connectors, they can ensure that Central Asia will not only survive as a collective project but, moreover, thrive as one. Central Asia, under the joint leadership of Tokayev and Mirziyoyev is evolving into a geostrategic bridge, a critical interface among larger powers and regions, not on the periphery but central to the intersections of global geopolitical and economic currents. Kazakhstan’s infrastructure and energy exports link Russia, China, and Europe, while Uzbekistan’s outreach to South Asia and the Middle East broadens the region’s connectivity. That bridging function is not simply geographic, but also political and economic. As nonaligned actors in an increasingly polarized world, Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan provide platforms for dialogue and cooperation, serving as intermediaries that facilitate interaction among competing global interests.
Sunkar Podcast
How Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan Anchor a Strategic Middle-Power Hub in Central Asia
